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1Author:  Brock R. A. (Robert Alonzo) 1839-1914Add
 Title:  Virginia and Virginians  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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2Author:  Lindsay James H. (James Hubert) 1862-1933Add
 Title:  The McCue murder  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: On Sunday, September 4, 1904, J. Samuel McCue, for twenty years a member of the Charlottesville Bar, just retired from his third term as Mayor of that city, reputed rich man, and officer in the Presbyterian Church, arrived about 6 o'clock from Washington, where he had been for several days, on what business does not appear, although Mrs. McCue had been informed by him that he was in the National Capital taking depositions in a murder case. An hour before he reached the city Mrs. Fannie M. McCue, his wife, had come in from Red Hill, a small station on the Southern railway, some seven miles south of Charlottesville, and was at home when her husband entered the house. Without going into the parlor, where she was with a visitor, he went upstairs to the bath-room to rid himself of the stains of travel. When he met her, the manner of his greeting, and all other details of that evening until the supper hour, are lacking. The occurrences at the evening meal come into the story at a later period. Dear Aunt Sallie,—I received your kind and affectionate letter a few minutes ago, and will answer now, as I am afarid I will forget it. We are now at home with Aunt Sammie and Uncle Marshall Dinwiddie, who are very kind and good to us, but I come home and miss my dear mother, whom I put before my God, and who I miss many times in the day. "I do not wish to worry you, as I know you have worries enough, but I do think you ought to send me my watch, as it is all I have to pay Mr. Harmon to get me free from the treacherous man I have. Now, if you won't send it to me send me word how much you want me to pay you.
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3Author:  Smith Margaret VowellAdd
 Title:  Virginia, 1492-1892  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland, Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents shal come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certaine science, & meere motion, we have giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt to our trusty and well-beloued seruant, Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires and assignes for euer, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and the same to haue, holde, occupy & enioy to him, his heires and assignes for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, iurisdictios, royalties, priuiledges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons, bodies politique or corporate; and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs, our heires and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires & assignes, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues, or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realm of England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Whereas Wee, by our letters pattents under our great seale of England, bearing date att Westminster, the tenth day of Aprill, in the year of our raigne of England, France and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the 39th, have given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the said letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and conduct two several Colonies or plantations of sundry our loving people willing to abide and inhabit in certain parts of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences, priviledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee according to the effect and true meaning of the same letters pattents, doe by these presents, signed with our hand, signe manuel and sealed with our privy seale of our realme of England, establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our Tower of London, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder of the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John Dodderidge, Esq., Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr., John Eldred of the citty of London, merchant, Thomas James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and James Bagge of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Virginia or any the territories of America, between thirty-four and fourty-five degrees from the æquinoctial line northward, and the Islands to the several collonies limitted and assigned, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have full power and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and under us, our heires and successors, to give directions to the councels of the several collonies which shal be within any part of the said country of Virginia and America, within the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands aforesaid, for the good government of the people to be planted in those parts, and for the good ordering and desposing of all causes happening within the same, and the same to be done for the substance thereof, as neer to the common lawes of England, and the equity thereof, as may be, and to passe under our seale, appointed for that councel, which councel, and every and any of them shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, and others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our heires and successors, and att our and their will and pleasure, and the same councel of Virginia, or the more part of them, for the time being, shall nominate and appoint the first several councellours of those several councells, which are to be appointed for those two several colonies, which are to be made plantations in Virginia and America, between the degrees before mentioned, according to our said letters pattents in that behalfe made; and that each of the same councels of the same several colonies shal, by the major part of them, choose one of the same councel, not being the minister of God's word, to be president of the same councel, and to continue in that office by the space of one whole year unless he shall in the meantime dye or be removed from the office; and we doe further hereby establish and ordaine, that it shal be lawful for the major part of either of the said councells, upon any just cause, either absence or otherwise, to remove the president or any other of that councel, from being either president, or any of that councel; and upon the deathes or removal of any of the presidents or councel, it shall be lawful for the major part of that councel to elect another in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, as they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said councellours, and wee doe establish and ordaine, that the president shal not continue in his office of presidentship above the space of one year; and wee doe specially ordaine, charge, and require the said president and councells, and the ministers of the said several colonies respectively, within their several limits and precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe provide, that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or border upon them, according to the doctrines, rights, and religion now professed and established within our realme of England. Captaine Martine, we are to request50 50request, McDowell. you upon sight hereof, with all convenient speed to repaire hither to James citty to treatt and conferre wth us about some matters of especial51 51especiall, McDonald. importance, wch concerns52 52concerne, McDonald and Bancroft. both us and the whole Colony and yourself. And of this we praye you not to faile. `Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Burgesses of this Grand Assembly, for God's glory and the public benefit of the Colony, to the end that God might avert his heavy judgments that are upon us, that the last Wednesday in every month be set apart for fast and humiliation, and that it be wholly dedicated to prayers and preaching, &c. First. It is agreed and cons ted that the plantation of Virginia, and all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remaine in due obedience and subjection to the common wealth of England, according to the lawes there established, And that this submission and subscription bee acknowledged a voluntary act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon the countrey, And that they shall have and enioy such freedomes and priviledges as belong to the free borne people of England, and that the former government by the comissions and instructions be void and null. First. That neither Governour nor councill shall be obliged to take any oath or engagement to the Common-Wealth of England for one whole yeare, And that neither Governor nor Councill be censured for praying for or speaking well of the King for one whole yeare in their private houses or neighbouring conference. "Whereas it appears by act of Assembly held at James Cittie in May, 1652, That it was agreed vpon and thought best by the then commissioners for the parliament, and the Burgesses of the then a sembly, That the right of election of all officers of this collony should be and appertaine to the Burgesses, the representatives of the people, Now know yee, That wee the present Burgesses of this Grand Assembly have a cordingly constituted and ordained the severall persons vnder written to be the Governour, Councill & Commissioners of this country of Virginia vntil the next Assembly or vntil the further pleasure of the supreme power in England shall be known. The Governour and Councill for many important causes do think fitt hereby to declare, That they do now disolve this present Assembly. And that the Speaker accordingly do dismiss the Burgesses. The Answer of the Burgesses to the declaration of the Honourable Governour and Councill. Vpon your assurance of a speedy issue to conclude the acts so near brought to a confirmation in this Assembly, wee are willing to come to a speedy conclusion, And to referre the dispute of the power of disolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse, the Lord Protector: The House is vnanimously of opinion that the answer returned is vnsatisfactory, and desire with as much earnestnes as the honourable Governour and Councill have expressed, a speedy dispatch, and propose That the Governour and Councill please to declare. Vpon your promise received of the speedy and happy conclusion, wee revoke the declaration for the dissolution of the Assembly, and referre the dispute of the power of dissolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse the Lord Protector. Wee have considered the present constitution of the government of Virginia and do propose, That wee find by the records The present power of government to reside in such persons as shall be impowered by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia, but the House of Burgesses. These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to will and require you not to act orr execute any warrant, precept or command directed to you from any other power or person then the Speaker of this hon'ble. House, whose commands you are hereby required to obey and not to decline therefrom vntill further order from vs the Burgesses of this present Grand Assembly, hereof faile not as you will answer the contrary at your perill. Given 2d. Apr. 58. Act I. "Whereas the necessity of the country being in danger of the oppression company and the losse of our liberties for want of such an agent in England as is able to oppose the invaders of our freedomes and truly to represent our condition to his sacred majestie enforceth the employing a person of quality to present our grievances to his majesty's gracious consideration and endeavour the redresse which the right honorable Sir William Berkeley his majestyes governor hath been pleased to undertake. Bee itt therefore enacted that there be raysed by the country the some of two hundred thousand pounds of tobacco and cask for his the said Sir William Berkeley's support in his voyage; and that payment be made thereof by the 20th of January in Yorke river and James river to such persons as his honor shall appoint and that the secretary of state and speaker of the assembly signe a manifesto to the governor of the country's engagement for payment thereof."* *Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. II., page 17. Att a Grand Assemblie, Holden at James Cittie by prorogation from the twentie third of March, 1660, to the twentie third of March 1661; and thence to the twentie third of December 1662, in the fourteenth year of the raigne of our soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc. To the glorie of Almightie God and the publique good of this his Majesties colonie of Virginia: "First.—We declare all due allegiance and obedience to our lawful Sovereign, George the Third, King of Great Britain. And we determine to the utmost of our power to preserve the laws, the peace, and good order of this Colony, as far as is consistent with the preservation of our constitutional rights and liberty. Copy sent the Governor, (Thomas Jefferson) on the 15th January, 1781. The general assembly of Virginia being well satisfied that the happiness, strength and safety of the United States, depend, under Providence, upon the ratification of the articles for a federal union between the United States, heretofore proposed by congress for the consideration of the said states, and preferring the good of their country to every object of smaller importance, Do Resolve, That this commonwealth will yield to the congress of the United States, for the benefit of the said United States, all right, title, and claim that the said commonwealth hath to the lands northwest of the river Ohio, upon the following conditions, to wit: That the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into states containing a suitable extent of territory, and shall not be less than one hundred nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit: That the states so formed shall be distinct republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other states. It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming, being the only acting member of council for some time before the appointment of chief magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia, and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government, and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein: Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress have published their proclamation, announcing the signature and ratification of the preliminary articles of peace between the several powers at war, and commanding the citizens of these United States to cease from any farther hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and his subjects, both by sea and land: "Everybody knows I have the highest opinion of you as an officer, and you know I love you as a friend; whatever may be your determination, to retire or continue in service, my affection will accompany you. I am, with esteem and affection, your most obedient humble servant, "Whereas it is shewn to the present General Assembly, that the government of the United States is solicitous that certain lands at Old Point Comfort, and at the shoal called the Rip Raps, should be, with the right of property and entire jurisdiction thereon, vested in the said United States for the purpose of fortification, and other objects of national defence,
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4Author:  Kennedy Philip Pendleton 1808-1864Add
 Title:  The Blackwater chronicle  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: If the reader will take down the map of Virginia, and look at Randolph county, he will find that the Blackwater is a stream that makes down from the north into the Cheat river, some few miles below the point where that river is formed by the junction of the Dry fork, the Laurel fork, and the Glade fork—the Shavers, or Great fork, falling in some miles below: all rising and running along the western side of the Backbone of the Alleganies.
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5Author:  Charlottesville (Va.)Add
 Title:  The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1945  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, approved March 24, 1922 (Acts 1922, p. 697 et seq.), and all acts amendatory thereof, to and including the acts of 1944. "WHEREAS, the director of finance has received the full purchase price of the property hereby conveyed as is evidenced by his signature hereto. "THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this ...... day of .............., 19.., by and between the CITY OF CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, hereinafter referred to as the City, and ........, hereinafter referred to as Owner.
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6Author:  De Hass Wills 1818?-1910Add
 Title:  History of the early settlement and Indian wars of Western Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: "Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and afterwards ratified by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for their hunting ground. And as it is of the highest importance to his Majesty's service, and the preservation of the peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving them any just cause of complaint: This is therefore to forbid any of his Majesty's subjects to settle or hunt to the west of the Alleghany mountains, on any pretence whatever, unless such have obtained leave in writing from the general, or the governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several posts erected in that part of the country, for the protection of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be seized, any of his Majesty's subjects, who, without the above authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished according to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a court martial. What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to war since; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. I have this moment received certain intelligence that the enemy are coming in great force against us, and particularly against Wheeling. You will immediately put your garrison in the best posture of defence, and lay in as great a quantity of water as circumstances will admit, and receive them coolly. They intend to decoy your garrison, but you are to guard against stratagem, and defend the post to the last extremity. We, the subscribers, do hereby certify that the within specified appraisements are just and true, to the best of our judgments; and that the several articles were lost in the late unhappy defeat near M'Mechen's narrows, on the 27th of September, 1777—as witness our hands, this 3d of October, 1777. On Monday afternoon, September 11, 1782, a body of about 300 Indians, and 50 British soldiers, composing part of a company known as the `Queen's Rangers,' appeared in front of the fort, and demanded a surrender. These forces were commanded respectively by the white renegade Girty, and a Captain Pratt. Yours of the 8th instant has just come to hand, and I with pleasure sit down to answer your request, which is a statement of my adventure with the Indians. I will give the narrative as found in my sketch book. I was born in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, February 4th, 1777. When about eight years old, my father, James Johnson, having a large family to provide for, sold his farm, with the expectation of acquiring larger possessions further west. Thus he was stimulated to encounter the perils of a pioneer life. He crossed the Ohio river, and bought some improvements on what was called Beach Bottom Flats, two and a half miles from the river, and three or four miles above the mouth of Short creek, with the expectation of holding by improvement right under the Virginia claim. Soon after we reached there, the Indians became troublesome; they stole horses, and killed a number of persons in our neighborhood. When I was between eleven and twelve years old, in the month of October, 1788, I was taken prisoner by the Indians, with my brother John, who was about eighteen months older than I. The circumstances were as follows:—On Saturday evening, we were out with an older brother, and came home late in the evening. The next morning one of us had lost a hat, and about the middle of the day, we thought that perhaps we had left it where we had been at work, about three-fourths of a mile from the house. We went to the place and found the hat, and sat down on a log by the road-side, and commenced cracking nuts. In a short time we saw two men coming toward us from the house. By their dress, we supposed they were two of our neighbors, James Perdue and J. Russell. We paid but little attention to them, until they came quite near us, when we saw our mistake; they were black. To escape by flight was impossible, had we been disposed to try. We sat still until they came up. One of them said, "How do, brodder?" My brother asked them if they were Indians, and they answered in the affirmative, and said we must go with them. One of them had a blue buckskin pouch, which we gave my brother to carry, and without further ceremony, he took up the line of march for the wilderness, not knowing whether we should ever return to our cheerful home; and not having much love for our commanding officers, of course we obeyed orders rather tardily. The mode of march was thus—one of the Indians walked about ten steps before, the other about ten behind us. After travelling some distance, we halted in a deep hollow and sat down. They took out their knives and whet them, and talked some time in the Indian tongue, which we could not understand. My brother and me sat eight or ten steps from them, and talked about killing them that night, and make our escape. I thought, from their looks and actions, that they were going to kill us; and, strange to say, I felt no alarm. I thought I would rather die than go with them. The most of my trouble was, that my father and mother would be fretting after us—not knowing what had become of us. I expressed my thoughts to John, who went and began to talk with them. He said that father was cross to him, and made him work hard, and that he did not like hard work; that he would rather be a hunter, and live in the woods. This seemed to please them; for they put up their knives, and talked more lively and pleasantly. We became very familiar, and many questions passed between us; all parties were very inquisitive. They asked my brother which way home was, several times, and he would tell them the contrary way every time, although he knew the way very well. This would make them laugh; they thought we were lost, and that we knew no better. They conducted us over the Short creek hills in search of horses, but found none; so we continued on foot until night, when we halted in a hollow, about three miles from Carpenter's fort, and about four from the place where they first took us; our route being somewhat circuitous, we made but slow progress. As night began to close in, I became fretful. My brother encouraged me, by whispering that we would kill them that night. After they had selected the place of our encampment, one of them scouted round, whilst the other struck fire, which was done by stopping the touch-hole of his gun, and flashing powder in the pan. After the Indian got the fire kindled, he re-primed the gun and went to an old stump, to get some tinder wood, and while he was thus employed, my brother John took the gun, cocked it, and was about to shoot the Indian: alarmed lest the other might be close by, I remonstrated, and taking hold of the gun, prevented him shooting; at the same time I begged him to wait till night, and I would help him kill them both. The other Indian came back about dark, when we took our supper, such as it was,—some corn parched on the coals, and some roasted pork. We then sat and talked for some time. They seemed to be acquainted with the whole border settlement, from Marietta to Beaver, and could number every fort and block-house, and asked my brother how many fighting men there were in each place, and how many guns. In some places, my brother said, there were a good many more guns than there were fighting men. They asked what use were these guns. He said the women could load while the men fired. But how did these guns get there? My brother said, when the war was over with Great Britain, the soldiers that were enlisted during the war were discharged, and they left a great many of their guns at the stations. They asked my brother who owned that black horse that wore a bell? He answered, father. They then said the Indians could never catch that horse. We then went to bed on the naked ground, to rest and study out the best mode of attack. They put us between them, that they might be the better able to guard us. After awhile, one of the Indians, supposing we were asleep, got up and stretched himself on the other side of the fire, and soon began to snore. John, who had been watching every motion, found they were sound asleep. He whispered to me to get up, which we did as carefully as possible. John took the gun with which the Indian had struck fire, cocked it, and placed it in the direction of the head of one of the Indians. He then took a tomahawk, and drew it over the head of the other Indian. I pulled the trigger, and he struck at the same instant; the blow falling too far back on the neck, only stunned the Indian. He attempted to spring to his feet, uttering most hideous yells, but my brother repeated the blows with such effect that the conflict became terrible, and somewhat doubtful. The Indian, however, was forced to yield to the blows he received on his head, and in a short time he lay quiet at our feet. The one that was shot never moved; and fearing there were others close by, we hurried off, and took nothing with us but the gun I shot with. They had told us we would see Indians about to-morrow, so we thought that there was a camp of Indians close by; and fearing the report of the gun, the Indian hallooing, and I calling to John, might bring them upon us, we took our course towards the river, and on going about three-fourths of a mile, came to a path which led to Carpenter's fort. My brother here hung up his hat, that he might know where to take off to find the camp. We got to the fort a little before daybreak. We related our adventure, and the next day a small party went out with my brother, and found the Indian that was tomahawked, on the ground; the other had crawled off, and was not found till some time after. He was shot through close by the ear. Having concluded this narrative, I will give a description of the two Indians. They were of the Delaware tribe, and one of them a chief. He wore the badges of his office—the wampum belt, three half-moons, and a silver plate on his breast; bands of silver on both arms, and his ears cut round and ornamented with silver; the hair on the top of his head was done up with silver wire. The other Indian seemed to be a kind of waiter. He was rather under size, a plain man. He wore a fine beaver hat, with a hole shot through the crown. My brother asked him about the hat. He said he killed a captain and got his hat. My brother asked him if he had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a good many. He then asked him if the big Indian had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a great many, and that he was a great captain—a chief. * * * * * Your note of this day I have duly received, and with sincere pleasure proceed to comply with your requisitions; especially, as the facts will have a more fitting and enduring place of record, than if stated in a public print—which it was my intention to have done, had you not presented a superior vehicle. Brigadier-General McIntosh having requested from Congress leave to retire from the command of the westward, they have, by a resolve of the 20th February, granted his request, and directed me to appoint an officer to succeed him. From my opinion of your abilities, your former acquaintance with the back country, and the knowledge you must have acquired upon this last tour of duty, I have appointed you to the command in preference to a stranger, as he would not have time to gain the necessary information between that of his assuming the command and the commencement of operations.
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7Author:  Brock R. A. (Robert Alonzo) 1839-1914Add
 Title:  Virginia and Virginians  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: "It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming, being the only acting member of the council for some time before the appointment of the Chief Magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia, and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government, and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein, Nothing can surprise me more than to see you attempt a settlement upon the lands of the king, my master, which obliges me now, sir, to send you this gentleman, Chevalier Le Mercier, captain of the artillery of Canada, to know of you, sir, by virtue of what authority you are come to fortify yourself within the dominions of the king, my master. This action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at Aix-la-Chapelle, between his most Christian majesty and the King of Great Britain, that I do not know to whom to impute such an usurpation, as it is uncontested that the lands situated along the beautiful river belong to his most Christian majesty. "Now, therefore, we, the People of Virginia, do Declare and Ordain, That the ordinance adopted by the people of this State in convention on the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified; and all the acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying or adopting amendments to said constitution are hereby repealed and abrogated; that the union between the State of Virginia and the States under the constitution aforesaid, is hereby dissolved, and that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent State. And they do further declare, that said Constitution of the United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of this State. In accordance with the substance of my letter to you on the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the government of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander to sign a like parole for the men of his command. The arms, artillery, and public property to be packed and stacked, and turned over to the officers appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side arms of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed by the United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside. I received your letter of this date, containing the terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed by you. As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the proper officer to carry the stipulations into effect.
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8Author:  Withers Alexander Scott 1792-1865Add
 Title:  Chronicles of border warfare, or, A history of the settlement by the whites, of north-western Virginia, and of the Indian wars and massacres in that section of the state  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: At the time when Virginia became known to the whites, it was occupied by many different tribes to Indians, attached to different nations. That portion of the state lying north west of the Blue ridge, and extending to the lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were a powerful confederacy, rarely in amity with the tribes east of that range of mountains; but generally harrassing them by frequent hostile irruptions into their country. Of their subsequent history, nothing is now known. They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of the Six Nations. It is however more probable, that they afterwards became incorporated with these, as did several other tribes of Indians, who used a language so essentially different from that spoken by the Six Nations, as to render the intervention of interpreters necessary between them. "Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colol. Clark shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work— "Colonel Clark's Compliments to Mr. Hamilton and begs leave to inform him that Col. Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that of Mr. Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at Discretion—
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9Author:  Henderson Archibald 1877-1963Add
 Title:  The conquest of the old Southwest  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: AT the opening of the eighteenth century the tide of population had swept inland to the "fall line," the westward boundary of the established settlements. The actual frontier had been advanced by the more aggressive pioneers to within fifty miles of the Blue Ridge. So rapid was the settlement in North Carolina that in the interval 1717-32 the population quadrupled in numbers. A map of the colonial settlements in 1725 reveals a narrow strip of populated land along the Atlantic coast, of irregular indentation, with occasional isolated nuclei of settlements further in the interior. The civilization thus established continued to maintain a close and unbroken communication with England and the Continent. As long as the settlers, for economic reasons, clung to the coast, they reacted but slowly to the transforming influences of the frontier. Within a triangle of continental altitude with its apex in New England, bounded on the east by the Atlantic, and on the west by the Appalachian range, lay the settlements, divided into two zones—tidewater and piedmont. As no break occurred in the great mountain system south of the Hudson and Mohawk valleys, the difficulties of cutting a passage through the towering wall of living green long proved an effective obstacle to the crossing of the grim mountain barrier. After my compliments to you, I shall acquaint you of our misfortunes. On March the 25 a party of Indians fired on my Company about half an hour before day, and killed Mr. Twitty and his negro, and wounded Mr. Walker very deeply, but I hope he will recover.
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10Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Add
 Title:  Poem addressed, by Philis (a young Affrican, of surprising genius) to a gentleman of the navy, with his reply  
 Published:  2007 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: For the Royal American Magazine.
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11Author:  Holland J. G. (Josiah Gilbert) 1819-1881Add
 Title:  Arthur Bonnicastle  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Life looks beautiful from both extremities. Prospect and retrospect shine alike in a light so divine as to suggest that the first catches some radiance from the gates, not yet closed, by which the soul has entered, and that the last is illuminated from the opening realm into which it is soon to pass. “I should like to see you here next Monday morning, in regard to some repairs about The Mansion. Come early, and if your little boy Arthur is well enough you may bring him. “I have lost my ball. I don't know where in the world it can be. It seemed to get away from me in a curious style. Mr. Bird is very kind, and I like him very much. I am sorry to say I have lost my Barlow knife too. Mr. Bird says a Barlow knife is a very good thing. I don't quite think I have lost the twenty-five cent piece. I have not seen it since yesterday morning, and I think I shall find it. Henry Hulm, who is my chum, and a very smart boy, I can tell you, thinks the money will be found. Mr. Bird says there must be a hole in the top of my pocket. I don't know what to do. I am afraid Aunt Sanderson will be cross about it. Mr. Bird thinks I ought to give my knife to the boy that will find the money, and the money to the boy that will find the knife, but I don't see as I should make much in that way, do you? I love Mrs. Bird very much. Miss Butler is the dearest young lady I ever knew. Mrs. Bird kisses us all when we go to bed, and it seems real good. I have put the testament in the bottom of my trunk, under all the things. I shall keep that if possible. If Mrs. Sanderson finds out that I have lost the things, I wish you would explain it and tell her the testament is safe. Miss Butler has dark eyebrows and wears a belt. Mr. Bird has killed another woodchuck. I wonder if you left the key of my trunk. It seems to be gone. We have real good times, playing ball and taking walks. I have walked out with Miss Butler. I wish mother could see her hair, and I am your son with ever so much love to you and mother and all, “Bring home your Attlus. “The Bell is a noble vessel.
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12Author:  Irving Washington 1783-1859Add
 Title:  Wolfert's roost  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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13Author:  Moulton Louise Chandler 1835-1908Add
 Title:  Juno Clifford  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Juno Clifford stood before the mirror of her richly furnished breakfast parlor. The cloth had been spread for a half-hour—the silver coffee service was prettily arranged, and the delicate cups of Sèvres porcelain were scattered around the urn. But the mistress of the mansion had only just arisen. It was ten o'clock. Men, whose business hours had commenced, were hurrying to and fro in the street— the city was teeming with life and turbulent with noise, but the hum only stole through the heavily-curtained windows of that lofty house on Mount Vernon street, with a subdued cadence that was very pleasant. It was a lounging, indolent attitude, in which the lady stood. In her whole style of manner there was a kind of tropical languor, and it was easy to see that she was seldom roused from her habitual calmness. And yet there was something in the curving of her dainty lips, the full sweep of her arching brows, nay, in every motion of her hand, which told of a slumbering power; an energy, resistless in its intensity; a will that might have subjugated an empire. The indolence was habitual —the energy, native. “Dearest Brother:—It is not my turn to write, but I have been thinking of you so earnestly to-day, that I've resolved, at last, to make a thought-bridge of my little steel pen, and tell you about my reveries. In the first place, though, you ought to see where I am writing. Yes, you ought to see Mohawk Village now. The dear, blue river glides along so gently between its fringed banks, and the sweet green islets lie, like summer children, in such a peaceful sleep upon its breast. The willow trees, `always genteel,' are bending over its waves, bowing to their own shadows, and all the green things round look as if they were rejoicing in the fresh air and the sunshine. But I will tell you what is the prettiest sight which meets my eye. It is a gnarled old oak, very large, and very strong, round which climbs a perfect wealth of the beautiful ivy. They are living things, I know; and it takes all mamma's logic to persuade me that they cannot think and feel. They always seemed to me to have a history, nay more, a romance linked with their two lives. The oak looks like some veteran soldier. His life is not yet quite past its prime, but he has grown old among the crash of contending armies, and the fierce shocks of battles. He is scarred, and battered, and now round this glorious ruin the ivy clings, young, fresh, trusting, and so beautiful; laying her long green fingers on his seamed and furrowed front, hiding his roughness with the embrace of her tender arms. Looking from my window, summer and winter I see them, my beautiful emblems of strength and truth. I wish sometimes, in a large charity, that all the world could look upon them as I do, that they could teach every one the same lesson. “I will call you so this once more. God help us, for He has separated us. I have no strength to tell you now how tenderly I have loved you. You know it but too well. Every glance of your blue eyes, every thread of your golden hair was dearer to me than my own life. I would not look upon your face for worlds, now that it is lost to me for ever. My mother has tried to soothe the agony of this parting. She has whispered that a time might come, when I would be free to marry you, but I have no such hope. I dare not dwell on it; it would be unjust, cruel. I cannot ask you to love me, to think of me. Rather let me pray you to forget me; to seek in some other love the happiness I can never again taste. May he who shall win and wear you, be more worthy of your love; he cannot return it more truly. “There, forgive those words, I could not help them. When once more, after all this lapse of years, I wrote your name, I forgot for the time that you had been another's, that you had refused to be mine. I saw only the Grace of my love and my dreams, very young, very fair, and, better still, very loving and trustful. To me you are the same still. I cannot come to you to-night. I have received a message that Mabel, my own fair sister, is ill. She may be dying, but I will hope to find her better. I shall travel night and day until I reach New York. Pray for me, Grace. Think of me as your friend, your brother, if you will not let me be, as in other days—
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14Author:  Moulton Louise Chandler 1835-1908Add
 Title:  Some women's hearts  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: “My Niece Elizabeth, — I believe myself to be about to die. I cannot tell why this belief has taken hold of me, but I am sure that I am not long for this world. And, before I go out of it, I have an act of restitution to perform. When your father, my dead and gone brother James, died, if you had received your due, you would have had six thousand dollars. But the business was embarrassed at the time, and I thought that to put so much money out of my hands just then would ruin me. I took the responsibility, therefore, of deciding not to do it. I managed, by means that were not strictly legitimate, to keep the whole in my own possession. I did not mean ill by you, either. Your memory will bear me witness that I dealt by you in every way as by my own children; nor do I think the interest of your six thousand dollars, in whatever way invested, could possibly have taken care of you so well as I did. Still, to have it to use in my business at that critical time, was worth much more than the cost of your maintenance to me. So, as I look at matters, you owe me no thanks for your upbringing, and I owe you no farther compensation for the use of your money during those years which you passed in my house. For the five years since then, I owe you interest; and I have added to your six thousand dollars two thousand more, to reimburse you for your loss during that time. “You were right, and I was wrong. I would not tempt you to be other than you are, — the purest as the fairest woman, in my eyes, whom God ever made. I am running away, because I have not just now the strength to stay here. You will not see me again for two weeks. When I come back, I will be able to meet you as I ought, and to prove myself worthy to be your friend. “Your child was born the 28th of June. I did not know of this which was to come when I left the shelter of your roof, or I should not have gone. The little one is very ill; and, feeling that she may not live, I think it right to give you the opportunity of seeing her, if you wish to, before she dies. Come, if you choose, to No. 50, Rue Jacob, and you will find her. “My Dear Husband, — Andrew, our little boy, is very ill. The doctor calls it scarlet fever. I thought that you would wish to see him. Your presence would be the greatest comfort. “Mr. Thorndike, — I have hesitated long before writing you this note. I should not venture to do so now were it not that I am emboldened by the license accorded to leap-year. To a different man I would not write it for worlds, but I am sure your character is of too high a tone for you to pursue a correspondence merely for amusement or adventure. If you think I am indelicate in addressing you at all, — if you do not desire my friendship, you will let the matter drop here, — you will never reply to me, or bestow a second thought on one who will, in that case, strive to think no more of you. But should you really value the regard of a girl who is fearless enough thus to disobey the recognized laws of society; honest enough to show you her heart as it is; good enough, at least, to feel your goodness in her inmost soul, — then you will write. Then, perhaps, we shall know each other better, and the friendship thus unconventionally begun may brighten both our lives. Remember I trust to your honor not to answer this letter if you disapprove of my course in sending it, — if by so doing I have forfeited your respect. Should you reply, let it be within three days, and address,
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15Author:  Moulton Louise Chandler 1835-1908Add
 Title:  This, that and the other  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: “Lionel: When your hand touches this sheet, I shall be far away. It is two hours since you left me, and I have been sitting here all the while, in a kind of stupor. I have loved you very fondly, Lionel, and there is no blame for you in my heart now, only sorrow, bitter, crushing sorrow. I will believe that you love me — that you did not mean to deceive me! I will even try to think that the fault, the misunderstanding, was all mine. My soul shall send back only prayers for you — my heart shall breathe only blessings. I love you, Lionel — O, how I love you! If I could coin my life-blood into a flood of blessing, and pour it on your head, I would do so gladly; if I might die for you, my soul would be blessed as the angels. I even have thought, — may God forgive me! — that I could give my soul to perdition for your sake; but I have no right to bring sorrow, and shame, and suffering, upon another. The lips that my little sister presses must be pure; the life consecrated by a dying mother's blessing must be unstained. “Blanche Leslie, — For something tells me you are Blanche Leslie yet — I have found you at last, after these weary years. Listen, and hear if it be not destiny. When you left me, Blanche, I was a heart-broken, miserable man. You did not know me, little darling, or you never would have gone. I did not know myself. I did not know how strong was the love I had for you. Blanche, believe me, for I swear it before heaven, I never would have asked you to make one sacrifice for my sake. You should have done nothing, been nothing, your own heart did not sanction. When I read your note, I awoke to the knowledge of my own soul. Then I knew that, without you, wealth, and fame, and honor, were worse than vanity, hollower than the apples of Sodom. I would have laid down everything I possessed on earth, to have called you wife. My soul cried out for you `with groanings that could not be uttered.' “No, no! Come not near me, Lionel Hunter! Disturb not the holy calm to which it has been the work of years to attain. I have wept much, suffered much, but I am stronger now. Talk no more to me of earthly love, now that my heart has grown old, and the beauty you used to praise has faded. Leave me, leave me! It is my prayer; it is all I ask. Over my night of sorrow dews have fallen, and stars have arisen; let me walk in their light! Only in heaven will I rest, if it may be so, my head upon your breast. Then, when the angels shall name me by a new name, I will steal to your side, and, looking back to earth, over the bastions of the celestial city, you shall call me “`Heaven forgive and pity me, life of my life, that I should be writing you, the night before our bridal, only to say farewell. Our bridal; yes, it shall be so. To-morrow my soul shall marry your soul, though I am far away. I have been mad, for two weeks past, Maud! The ashes of the bottomless pit have been upon my head, and its hot breath has scorched my cheek. I would not tell you, my beloved, because I wished not to drag you down with me to perdition. O, Maud, my darling! Maud, my beloved! Can it be, I never more must draw your head to my heart — never more must look into your blue eyes, or watch the blushes stealing over your cheek? But I am raving. “Can it be that only one sun has set and risen since Stanley Grayson called me his, — since another and a dearer life grew into mine, with the knowledge that I was beloved? O, joy! great, unutterable joy, whose seeds were sown in grief, and watered by the hot tears which made the flowers grow upon my mother's grave! Who shall say, if I had not been thus desolate, I could have felt so deeply this wondrous bliss of love? “A week has passed — a long, sunny week of happiness! Stanley says we must be married in September — his birth-day, September fifth. Papa, dear, good papa, has given me carte blanche as to money. He says I never did cost him anything yet, and have only been a help to him, all my life; and now, when he 's going to lose me, he will give me all he can. Poor papa! I fear, though he likes Stanley, he is hardly reconciled to the idea of my leaving home; for, when he spoke of my going away, the tears came to his eyes, and he looked so regretfully at his easy-chair, and the little ottoman where I always sit beside him! It seemed so selfish in me to go and leave him, — him who has always been so kind to me, — and for one, too, whom I had never seen, a few short months ago! The tears came to my eyes, and for the moment I was half resolved to send Stanley away without me; but, O, I know that already my soul is married to his soul, and I cannot give him up. Lizzie will come home in July, and she can stay with papa. Do I love Stanley better than papa? Why do I not say Lizzie will do for Stanley? And why would she not — she, so good, so young, so very beautiful? “O, how dear, how much dearer than ever, my future husband is every day becoming to my heart! How long a time since I 've written here before! but then I 'm so busy, and so happy! “O, how it rains! — Such a perfect wail as the wind makes, hurrying by, as if its viewless feet were `swift to do evil!' Poor Lizzie! she is inside the stage, I suppose; she will have a long, uncomfortable ride! I don't know why it is, but my soul seems to go out toward her to-night more than ever. I have thought of Stanley so much lately, that I 've not had so much time to think of my poor child, and now my heart is reproaching me. Sweet Lizzie! She and Stanley have never met. How proud I am of them both! I am sure they must be pleased with each other. Stanley is in his room now. I sent him up to put on his black coat, and that new vest in which he looks so well. “Yes, it was dear Lizzie. Stanley heard the horn too, and hurried down stairs. I bade him go and meet Lizzie; for it was raining, and papa was n't half awake. I followed him to the door, and he received Lizzie in his arms. She thought it was papa, for, what with the night and the rain, it was quite dark; and she pressed her lips to his face again and again. But when he brought her into the pleasant, brightly-lighted parlor, and set her down, she pushed from her white shoulders her heavy cloak, and glanced around; that is, as soon as she could, for at first I held her to my heart so closely she could see nothing. When papa took her in his arms, and welcomed her, and bade God bless her, she glanced at his slippers and dressing-gown, and then at Stanley, who was looking at her with a shade of amusement at her perplexity, and yet with the most vivid admiration I ever saw portrayed on his fine features. At last he laughed out, merrily. “I am a little lonely, I 'm left so much alone now. The long rides over the hills continue, and of course I stay at home, for there is no horse for me to ride. Stanley comes and kisses me just before he goes off, and says, `You are always so busy, Katie!' but he says nothing of late about the reason I am so busy — nothing about our marriage. “Two days, and I am writing here again; but O, how changed! I have been struck by a thunderbolt. I have had a struggle, brief, but very fierce; and it is past. I was sailing in a fair ship, upon calm waters; there were only a few clouds in the sky. Sunlight rested on the waves, and in the distance I could see a floating pleasure-island, green and calm, made beautiful with tropic flowers, where gorgeous birds rested, and sang love-songs all the day. Merrily the bark dashed onward. Loved forms were by my side, and one dearer than all was at the helm; but from the clear sky a tempest-blast swept suddenly. It had sobbed no warning of the doom it was bringing us. “A month has passed since I wrote here last; I hardly know why, myself. It has been a long summer month. Days are so long in summer, and they have seemed like centuries of late. What a beautiful day it is! The sunshine smiles so pleasantly on the fields, and the bright-winged birds sing, and the insects hum lazily, or go to sleep upon the flowers. It seems to me I never saw such a scene of calm, quiet beauty; — as if Nature had on her holiday garments, decked newly for the sun, her lover. “Lizzie is married, and they have gone; surely no bride ever before looked so beautiful! Her long curls floated over her white robe like sunshine over snow; and her cheeks were fairer than ever, shaded so faintly by her rich veil. She trembled during the ceremony, and I could feel how firm and strong was the lover-like pressure with which Stanley clasped her waist. When we knelt in prayer, his arm was around her still; and I seemed quite to forget my own existence, so intently was I occupied in watching them, so fervent were my prayers for their happiness. It was the hardest when Stanley came back to me, after Lizzie had said good-by, and he had put her in the carriage. He took both my hands in his, and, looking into my eyes, whispered, Never mind Peepy, Mrs. Jellyby! Let the child cry, — let him fall down stairs, and break his nose. What are a thousand Peepies now present, to the mighty schemes of our modern Borioboola-Gha, which will affect the destinies of myriads of Peepies yet to come? Can you fritter away your attention on one man, and his little troop of children, when that new lawgiver — that Moses — that Stephen Pearl Andrews — has told us, woman's chief duty is to be “true to herself, and not true to any man”? Thanks, Mr. Andrews! We, little girl that we are, did n't know our duty before. We 've found out, now. Never mind if there were tears in his eyes, when he whispered, “I can't live, if you change!” We know our duty now, and it 's not much matter what he suffers in so good a cause. “Miss Adams: Perhaps it may give you some satisfaction to learn that, in compliment to you, I returned from New York last night, instead of this morning, as I at first intended. I went over to Oakwood, and, in the natural indulgence of a lover's curiosity, was a witness of the pleasant scene in your favorite bower. I presume it will be an occasion of heartfelt rejoicing to you to know that you are quite free from all the ties which have bound you to No, no, nothing but that! She has never derived any additional importance from linking her name with yours, imperial man! — never grown angelized by a wife's thrice-drugged potion of care and sorrow. She lives alone, in a little, lonely house, — alone, with her black cat, and her memories of the past! “Edward Gray: Ellen Adair is ill — dying. She will die to-night. I do not say if you ever loved her, for I know you did, but, if you love her now, come to us directly. “`I am surprised, Mr. Harding, at the acuteness which enables you to divine my wishes so readily. I trust the attachment which can so easily relinquish its object will not be difficult to overcome. For your kindness in procuring me this casket, I am infinitely obliged; but you must, of necessity, excuse my accepting it, as it is a present of too great value for a lady to receive from any but her lover. Enclosed you will find your miniature and letters, and a certain emerald ring, the pledge of a tie now broken. You will excuse me from coming down, as I have a head-ache this morning. I wish you God-speed on your journey, long life and happiness, and remain your friend, “Many months have passed since last we met. Summers and winters have been braided into years, and still on my heart is your name written; not one hieroglyph that you traced there has been obliterated. Heart and soul I am, what I always have been, yours! I married Clara the day succeeding our last meeting, and I love her very much. Can you reconcile this with what I have just written? I am yours, as I said; you, even you, my Agnes, are more to me than all the rest of earth; but it is much to feel we can make another human being entirely happy.
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16Author:  Simms William Gilmore 1806-1870Add
 Title:  Eutaw  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: It is surely an early hour for the whip-poor-will to begin her monotonous plainings, sitting on her accustomed hawthorn, just on the edge of the swamp. The sun has hardly dropped from sight behind the great pine-thickets. His crimson and orange robes still flaunt and flicker in the western heavens; gleams from his great red eyes still purple the tree-tops; and you may still see a cheerful light hanging in the brave, free atmosphere; while gray shapes, like so many half-hooded friars, glide away through the long pine-avenues, inviting you, as it would seem, to follow, while they steal away slowly from pursuit into the deeper thickets of the swamp. “My child, my dear Bertha: To you alone can I look for the rescue of your brother and myself. We are in the power of an enemy, who requires your hand in marriage for the safety of my own and my son's life. We have forfeited the security of British law. My own offences are such that, delivered to the commandant of Charleston, as I am threatened, my death — an ignominious death — must follow. Your brother is a captive also, charged with murdering the king's soldiers without a warrant. He is suffering in health by his unavoidable confinement. He can not long live in the condition in which he is kept; and his release and mine are made to depend entirely on you. Let me implore you, my child, to come to our succor, and to save us. Become the wife of Captain Inglehardt, and suffer us once more to see the light of heaven, and enjoy the freedom of earth. Come, my beloved child, to our rescue; and, in making the sacrifice of your choice, to my own, receive the blessings of your fond, but fettered father. [P. S.] You will readily conceive our exigency, when I tell you that my wrists and feet are even now in manacles of iron, and have been so from the first day of my captivity. For a time, indeed, your brother Henry was held in similar fetters.” “Sorry, my dear colonel, to cut short your roving commission; doubly sorry that it has not yet resulted as you could wish. But we can spare you from the main action of the drama no longer. We are now, I think, approaching the denouément, and require all our heroes on the stage. Stewart is in rapid march downward — a little too strong for us yet, particularly with the reinforcements which he will get from the lower posts. We hear of these in motion from several quarters, as many as a thousand or twelve hundred men. These, in addition to his estimated strength at present of twenty-three hundred, will give heavy odds against us, unless our mounted men come out much more numerously than usual. Greene is on the march, somewhat recruited, but very little strengthened. Congress has done nothing — can or will do nothing — not even give us arms and ammunition! Three hundred of our people are still without serviceable weapons of any kind, and seven hundred without jackets or breeches. It is really lucky that we have hot weather. We must make up in zeal what we lack in men and munitions, and only fight the harder from having but little means with which to fight at all! That, my dear Sinclair, is a new philosophy for the management of armies, but it is one that will not seem altogether silly in the estimation of the true patriot. At all events, it is about the best that I can give to you, who know how to fight so well on short commons; and it affords the only hope upon which I have fed (very like fasting) for a long season! Once more, then, my dear Sinclair, let me regret the necessity which requires that you rejoin your brigade, and defer, for a brief season, the painfully interesting personal enterprises upon which you are engaged.
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17Author:  Simms William Gilmore 1806-1870Add
 Title:  Southward ho!  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: I was at New York in the opening of July. My trunks were packed, and I was drawing on my boots, making ready for departure. Everybody was leaving town, flying from the approaching dog-days in the city. I had every reason to depart also. I had certainly no motive to remain. New York was growing inconceivably dull with all her follies. Art wore only its stalest aspects, and lacked all attractions to one who had survived his own verdancy. Why should I linger?
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18Author:  Simms William Gilmore 1806-1870Add
 Title:  Vasconselos  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: It is the province of romance, even more decidedly than history, to recall the deeds and adventures of the past. It is to fiction that we must chiefly look for those living and breathing creations which history quite too unfrequently deigns to summon to her service. The warm atmosphere of present emotions, and present purposes, belongs to the dramatis personœ of art; and she is never so well satisfied in showing us human performances, as when she betrays the passions and affections by which they were dictated and endured. It is in spells and possessions of this character, that she so commonly supersedes the sterner muse whose province she so frequently invades; and her offices are not the less legitimate, as regards the truthfulness of things in general, than are those of history, because she supplies those details which the latter, unwisely as we think, but too commonly, holds beneath her regard. In the work before us, however, it is our purpose to slight neither agency. We shall defer to each of them, in turn, as they may be made to serve a common purpose. They both appeal to our assistance, and equally spread their possessions beneath our eyes. We shall employ, without violating, the material resources of the Historian, while seeking to endow them with a vitality which fiction only can confer. It is in pursuit of this object that we entreat the reader to suppose the backward curtain withdrawn, unveiling, if only for a moment, the aspects of a period not so remote as to lie wholly beyond our sympathies. We propose to look back to that dawn of the sixteenth century; at all events, to such a portion of the historical landscape of that period, as to show us some of the first sunny gleams of European light upon the savage dominions of the Western Continent. To review this epoch is, in fact, to survey the small but impressive beginnings of a wondrous drama in which we, ourselves, are still living actors. The scene is almost within our grasp. The names of the persons of our narrative have not yet ceased from sounding in our ears; and the theatre of performance is one, the boards of which, even at this moment, are echoing beneath their mighty footsteps. Our curiosity and interest may well be awakened for awhile, to an action, the fruits of which, in some degree, are inuring to our present benefit.
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19Author:  Stoddard Elizabeth 1823-1902Add
 Title:  The Morgesons  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: “That child,” said my aunt Mercy, looking at me with indigo-colored eyes, “is possessed.”
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20Author:  Stoddard Elizabeth 1823-1902Add
 Title:  Temple House  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Early one autumn morning, on his forty-first birthday, Argus Gates walked down the old turfy lawn, and felt immortal in his human powers. The elms above him dropped warning leaves, the silver cobwebs in the grass vanished beneath his tread, and the sere grass rose not again; but Aurora was in the sky. The stalwart, willing earth dipped beneath her chariot wheels, to lave in the rays flooding from those eyes fixed in “The ever silent spaces of the East,” and Argus was one with the earth. “Dear Mother: You never saw such work; we lost the small trunk, which was not marked. Have you seen Virginia? Her society will make amends for my absence. I wish I was at home, but I like travelling. I saw somebody yesterday that looked exactly like Mary Sutcliffe. I had half a mind to ask her if the cat's kittens had yellow patches, or if they were black and white: Mary said the cat would have kittens by the time I got back. You can't think how fish seems to be prized at these hotels, while we care nothing for it. We stopped in Boston, and John bought me an Indian scarf. In New York he bought me a dark blue silk; he is very attentive, but he has a cold. I had it made, and it is trimmed with black lace. Mother, the lace was three dollars a yard. We are in Chicago now. The air has a flat taste to me; it is different from Kent air. Of course, Uncle Argus has worried about me; oh yes, I think he is pining away. There are no good preserves at any hotel; the noise at these great houses, would drive you wild, mother; you would never again wink your eyes at my slamming doors, could you stay in one awhile. Have those Drakes been to see you? I do not care for them; do you, mother? I shall visit them but very little. John asked me if I would go to housekeeping in warm weather. I said, “Er, em, em,” which ment “yes” to him; to me, “nary housekeeping.” Why should I wash dishes for him, and dust furniture, and learn not to suit him in cooking—let me see, four times a day. He is too particular about his food. Mother, I had rather eat your dry bread; I hate to see people imagining they would like to have this, and that, to eat. I shall be gone some weeks yet. I'll help you knit when I return. John has snatched this from the table, and I am mad, for he laughs loud at it, and says—“Give me a kiss?” but I won't. It is eleven o'clock; there is no lamp burning in Temple House; you are asleep.
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