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321Author:  Virginia Company of LondonRequires cookie*
 Title:  The Records of the Virginia Company of London  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Present Right Honoble: Lo: Cauendish1 1The handwriting of most of the first two hundred and fifty pages of this volume is the same as that of the latter part of the first volume. It has there been referred to as that of the fourth copyist. Sr Edwin Sandys. mr Ro: Smith. mr Iadwin. Sr Iohn Dãuers. mr Binge. mr Kingstone. Sr Iohn Brooke. mr Wilmer. mr Ditchfeild. Sr Walter Earle. Capt: Tucker. mr Caswell. Sr Edward Lawly. mr Addison. mr Sparrowe. mr Dept̃ ffarrar. mr Kightley. mr Wood mr Gibbs. mr Withers. mr Geo: Smith. mr Wrote. mr Berblocke. mr Copland. mr Paulavicine. mr Winne. mr Widdowes. mr Barnard. mr Balmeford. mr ffelgate. mr Bromefeild. mr Nich: ffarrar. mr Cuffe. mr Shippard. mr Meuerell. mr D'Lawne. mr Tomlins. mr Mellinge. mr Barbor. mr Risely. mr Robertℯ. mr ffogge. mr ffoxton. with diuers others. Sr Wee receaved your letters by the George1 1The caption and the first eight words of this letter are in the autograph of Nicholas Ferrar. directed to the right Honoble Lordeℯ Cr But before the receipt whereof wee had finished ours wch wee purposed to haue sent to you by this conveyance without expectinge the Georges com̃inge but by the vnexpected contenteℯ of yours wee are driuen to lay aside our former and breifely to declare our mindeℯ in this wherein wee take no pleasure. [28] Wee are now enforced to write unto your Ldp: of important matter of another nature which is touching mr Samuell Argoll whom wee made Gouernour in your Lordps absence. Wee make noe doubte but hee hath deliuered the Gouerment wth an accompt of his doings into your Lõps hands. Wee haue received from him by the George a very straunge letter which together wth those Informations yt wee haue agaynst him by sundry Witnesses lately com̃ from thence doe importe more discontent to the Aduenturers heare & more hazard to the Plantation then euer did any other thing yt befell that Action from the beginning. His discontentℯ in yt wee subscribed our letter sent unto him wth few hands, our terming him to bee but Deputy Gouernour hee dis- dayning to bee Deputy to any man, our letters to bee deliuered unto him by soe meane a man as the Cape-merchaunt wth many such like wch wee pass ouer. And briefely1 1Written over "cheifely." wee must complayne to your Lõp of his neglecting and trans- gressing our Commission and Instructions. First hee hath made away all the Kyne belonging to the Colony and taken satisfaction for them to himselfe wheras wee gaue him express chardge in his Instructions to preserue and nourish them to the Common use except some few which wee had disposed whereof wee writt him in perticular. He hath suffered passengers mariners and others wth out restraynte to shipp moast of the Tobacko and all the Sassa- fras for themselues which by order of Courte at certayne rates agreed uppon are appropriated to the Magazine—Hee armes himselfe and other wth uniust accusations agaynst us to ouerthrow the magazine. Without which wee know assuredly yt neither the Adventurers heare nor the Plantation there can long subsist. Hee hath gotten possession and keepes back our Hydℯ under pre- tence of being Admirall wch cost our ioynt stock well neare—400li—wth a greate deale of toyle and trouble before wee could obtayne them wth his obsti- nate refusall to deliver them hee hath doñ us soe greate displeasure at the returns of this ship as hee could not haue worked to haue doñ us a greater. Hee hath forbidden all trade and commerce wth the Indians but trades amongs[t] them wth the Summer Island Frigott and our men to his owne benefitt. Hee takes the auncient Collony men which should now bee free and our men from the Common Garden to sett them aboute his owne imployment and wth the Collonys stoare of Corne feeds his men hee proclayℯ noe man shall dare to buy any thing of Furr ∥of the Indians∥ but himself as yf the Plantation and ye people there were ordayned onely to serue his turne. Theese and to many like Errours of his are layde to his chardge for wch the Adventurers heare will noe ways bee satisfyd wth out his personall appearance to make his Aunsweare and they are hardly restrayned notwth standing the Kinges [farr of in?] progress from going to the Court to make there Complaynte and to procure his Mats commaund to fech him home and therefore wee pray yr Lordp for the avoyding of farther scandall and slaunder to the Gouerment of our Plantation yt you will cause him to bee shipped home in this ship the William and Thomas to satisfy the Adventurers by aunswearing such things as shall be layde to his chardge and for yt wee suppose there will bee found many misdemeanours of his for wch hee must make satisfaction to the Compagny wee pray your Lorpt to ceaze upon such goods of his as Tobacko and Furrs wherof it is reported hee hath gotten together a greate stoare to the Collonies preiudice and to sende them to us to bee in deposite till all matters bee satisfyd and yt yr Lop: would bee pleased to take back agayne thos Kyne and Bullocks wch by his unlawfull sale are dispersed heare and there and yt they may bee brought together agayne to the Collonies use and to such others of the Hundreds as the Generall Courte by yr Lopps consent did order and appoynt. Iohn Seuerne Maisters mate of the Iames affirmeth, that cominge one morninge to Captaine ∥Natha∥ Butler for some monny due to him from the said Cap- taine, hee the said Captaine brought a Writinge in his hand sayinge hee had been wth the Kinge and protested that the writinge was for the good of the Contry and desyred him the said Iohn Seuerne to sett his hand there vnto and began to read some of itt butt the said Seuerne beinge in great hast did not attend the matter nor give ear what itt was butt sett his hand to the writinge, esteeminge and conceivinge Capt Butler to be a ∥verie∥ worthy man but since vnderstanding yt itt was a writinge in disgrace of the Country the said Iohn Seuerne doth Disavowe the said writinge, as vntrue, and protesteth that hee vppon his Oath must say the contrary. Iohn Lowe Boatswaine of the Iames cominge alonge wth Iohn Seuerne to Capt: Butler sett his hand likewise to the writinge esteeminge Capt Butler to be a verie worthy gentleman and heard not but a few lines onely of ye said writinge read wthout markinge itt, butt now hee vnderstandinge yt itt was a writinge in Disgrace of the Country hee Disauoweth his said handwritinge, and protest- eth that vppon his Oath hee must say the contrary. A Declarac̃on made by the Counsell for Virginia and Principall Assist- ants for ye Sumer Ilandes of their Iudgments touchinge our ∥one∥ originall great cause of the dissentions in ye Companies and present opposic̃ons. The most humble petic̃on of ye Companies for Virginia & ye Sum̃er Ilandℯ. Wee whose names hereafter followe have audited the Accompts in this Booke p̢sented vnto vs by mr Nicholas fferrar Deputy, of his Disbursments for the generall Company and wee finde the estate therof to stand thus—(vizt) Wee the Auditors and Comittees of ye Company for Virginia hauing this present Twelueth of May 1623. audited ye accompts of the Right honoble Henry Earle of South̴ton for ye yeare Last past begining at the Two and Twentith of May 1622, vntill this present Twelueth of May 1623, doe find that there hath beene receaued by the said Right honoble the some of 320li of monyes taken vp at interest accordingly as in the said Account is expressed; for wch monies mr Iohn fferrar hath giuen his Bondℯ vnto ye Lady Rumny for 200li and to mr Melling for 120li So that ye Virginia Company doe owe mr Iohn fferrar the some of Three hundred & twenty poundℯ. In witnes whereof wee haue here- vnder sett our handℯ, Dated the Twelueth of May 1623. The Treasuror and Company of Aduenturers and Planters of the Citty of London for the first Colony in Virginia to all vnto whome these presentℯ shall come greetinge: Wheras Nicholas fferrar Deputy Treasuror of the said Company hath by one Booke of Accompt of his Office of Deputishipp of the said Company extendinge from the 2 2A blank space in manuscript. day of May 1622 till the 25th daie of Ivne 1623 exhibited vnto ye Courtℯ of ye [331] said Thr̃er and Compa: a true and p̱fect Acco of all monneys by him receaved for ye vse of the said Company; In wch accompt hee hath allso p̱ticularly declared how the said monneys haue been disbursed and expended for the vse of ye said Company by lawfull warrants wth Receipts endorced or subscribed or otherwise Wch Accomptℯ accordinge to the Orders of the said Company haue been dulie examined Audited and approved by the Auditors of the said Company as appeareth vnder their hands, and afterward the said Booke of Accompt haue layne openly on the Table in the Courtℯ of ye said Treasuror and Company duringe the time in ye said Companies Orders appoynted and noe excepc̃on hath been taken to itt. The said Thr̃er and Company therfore accordinge to their Orders in that case established haue for them and their Successors acquitted and dis- charged and by these p̢ñts doe for ever acquitt and discharge the said Nicholas fferrar his heirs executors and Administrators of and from all and everie the said Monneys by him received and of and from all further Accomptℯ by him to be rendred for the same. And of and from all Acc̃ons Suites and Demaunds for or by reason of the monneys or Accompt aforesaid; In wittness wherof the said Thresuror and Company haue hereto caused their Legall Seale to be affixed. Given in a great and Generall Quarter Court of ye said Thr̃er & Company held the five and twentieth day of Ivne 1623. And in the years of the Raigne of our Soveraigne Lord Iames by the grace of God Kinge of England Scotland ffraunce and Ireland defendour of ye fayth Cr vizt of England ffraunce and Ireland the one and Twentieth and of Scotland the six and ffiftieth. To the Kings most Excellent Matie: The humble Petic̃on of Iohn Boyse, Richard Brewster, Henry Wentworth, Williã Perry, William Best and others the poore Planters in Virginia Most humbly shewinge. That where yor Matie for the advancement of ye Plantac̃on in Virginia, & encourragment of Aduenturers thither was heretofore most graciously pleased to pryveledge ye said Aduenturers from payinge any Custome, or Impost vppon their Tobacco Cr vntill the said Plantac̃on by Peace became somwhat settled and enabled to returne such duties to yor Maty: aswell in gratefull acknowledgment of yor Maties: said favour as in regard of ye many great ayds and supplies they received from many Collections & Contribuc̃ons flowinge from yor Maties: like gracious disposic̃on towards the good of the said Plantac̃on. Butt now soe itt is that aswell ye generall State of yt Plantac̃on, as the p̱ticuler of every Planter beinge fallen into a farr worse and poorer estate then they were in former times when yor Matie spared to demaund those duties. And yor Petic̃oners p̱takinge in the generall Calamitie of famine and scarsitie, sick- nes, mortallitie and bloody Massacre wch hath befallen the said Collony, haue p̱ticulerly been more neerly pressed then ever, not onely with the now vrginge and Continuall assaultℯ and surprizes of the incensed enemie wherby they are inforced by one halfe of their men to secure and gaurd the §labour of ye§ other, butt allsoe by the many Imposic̃ons and Levies laide and made vppon them towards the support of the Company from whence heretofore they were wont to receive releife. By wch occasions beinge impoverished if they shalbe com- pelled to pay yor Maties: Imposic̃on vppon Tobacco (made cheap by the great glutt of that Comoditie from Spaine and other partℯ) beinge 6d p̱ pound, and the Custome 3d p̱ pound (the Customers haueinge abated 3d) this 9d wth other incident charges will make the cleered proffitt soe little that out of that (though yor Peticonrs: sole help) itt wilbe impossible for them to raise such supplies of provision as must necessarily be returned thither, much less shall they be any wayes enabled to send such more Company of men and servantℯ as they doe otherwise intend for and towards the advancement of the said Plantac̃on. [374] The Petic̃oners most humbly therfore pray That yor Matie out of yor Princely Compassion to the many endurances of yor Peticoners (many of them haueinge been the ruynes of the late Massacre) and most gracious affecc̃on to the good of that Plantac̃on for releife of yor Petic̃on- ers and encourragment of them to continue and others to becom Adventurers in the same, Graciously consideringe the premisses and that as greate or greater causes returne for contynuinge of yor Maties former favour to them, will ther- fore be graciously pleased. To abate for the present yor Maties: Impost of 6d p̱ pound vppon the Tobacco now brought in by the said Planters wherby they intend not to preiudice yor Matie for the future butt onely to releive and able them- selvs for the present to returne and settle in their Plantac̃ons, And by yor Maties: most gracious takinge yor said Planters into yor Royall mercie and Protecc̃on to free them for ye future from the greivous Imposic̃ons of the said Company wherby they shalbe better enabled herafter to render more cheerfully yor Maties: said Duties: And yor petic̃oners Cr. Att the Court att Theobalds 8th Aprill 1624: His Matie beinge verie Compassionate of the miseries and povertie of the Planters (and willinge they should haue releife) is graciously pleased to referr the Consideracon therof to the right Honoble: the Lord Treasuror and Mr Chancellor of the Exchequor yt some good order beinge established amongst them they be not soe much opprest by the Company as is alleadged and that they haue such releife concerneinge ye Impost as they in their wisedomes (weighinge the Petic̃oners necessities) shall finde most Convenyent. wcihinge
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322Author:  Virginia Company of LondonRequires cookie*
 Title:  The Records of the Virginia Company of London  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: It was proposed;1 1 Blank space in the manuscript. that some forme of writinge in way of Iusti- fication of our plantation might be conceiued, and pass, (though not by publique authorytye) into many handes. The motion seemed to have these inducements. Right Honorable and Worthy:
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323Author:  Virginia Company of LondonRequires cookie*
 Title:  The Records of the Virginia Company of London  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Most reuerend Fath9 in God, right trusty & welbeloued Counsello9, wee greete you well. You haue§ heard§ ere this time of the attempt of diuerse worthie men or subiectℯ to plant in Virginia (under ye warrant of or ɫres patentℯ) people of this kingdome, aswell for ye enlarging of or Dominions as for propagation of the Gospell amongst Infidells: wherein there is good progresse made, and hope of further increase. So as the Vndertakers of yt Plantation are now in hand wth the erecting of some Churches & Schooles for the education of the children of those Barbarians: wch cannot be but to them a very greate charge, and aboue the expence wch for the civill plantation doth come to them. In wch wee doubt not but that you and all others who wish well to the encrease of Christian Religion wilbe willing to giue all assistance and furtherance yow may: and therein to make experience of the zeale and devotion of or well minded subiectℯ especially those of the Clergie. Wherefore wee do require yow, and hereby authorize yow to write yor ɫres to ye seuerall Bishops of ye Diocesses in yor Province, that they do giue order to the Ministers & other zelous men of their Diocesses, both by their owne example in contribution, and by exhortation to others, to mooue our people wthin their seuerall charges, to contribute to so good a worke in as liberall a manner as they may, ffor the better aduancing whereof, our pleasure is, that those Collections be made in all the particuler parishes foure seuerall times wthin these two yeares next comming: And that the seuerall Accountℯ of each parish, together wth the moneys collected, be retourned from time to time, to the Bps of the Dioceses, and by them be transmitted half yearely to you and so to be deliuered to ye Treasurors of that planta- tion, to be imployed for ye godly purposes intended, and no other.
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324Author:  Carkin PhilenaRequires cookie*
 Title:  Papers of Philena Carkin  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: The New England Freedmens Aid Society was organized Feb. 7th 1862, having its headquarters in Room 8 Studio Building Tremont St. Boston Mass.
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325Author:  Carkin PhilenaRequires cookie*
 Title:  Reminiscences of Philena Carkin  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: During the first and second years of my work in Charlottesville we had occasional visits from a Mr. Frost who was, I think, located at Gordonsville. I have no numbers of the Freedmens Record for 1866, and do not remember what position he held under the Society in Boston, but I think he had some kind of supervision over the schools in that vicinity. I recall that our supplies of books etc came through him. It was only for a short time that he was in any way connected with our schools. I never saw her but once. She was a tall, finely formed, handsome woman — I think a quadroon. The most noticeable feature about her was the weary look of sadness in her large brown eyes. My friend who was with me when we had occasion to meet her on a matter of business knew her story which she related, substantially as follows. Joanna was unlike Margaret. She had so little of the negro blood in her veins that no one would have suspected she was not pure white. Her master was a wealthy plantation owner, who had so many slaves that half of them could pass him by unrecognized — a not uncommon circumstance on large plantations, I imagine. As far as I know Joanna was comfortable and happy enough in her life on the plantation. She probably had enough to eat, and was kindly treated according to the code of slavery. But one day she found herself in a new position as regards the life of a slave woman. She had become a mother. She had heretofore felt but little anxiety about herself and her own future, but what about her child? She knew that little children were often sold from their mothers at a tender age. It was not uncommon on her masters plantation. What should she do? How prevent this dreadful possibility? For weeks and months she was haunted by the horrible fear that some day her child would be taken from her until at last her mind was made up to escape from slavery by running away. I do not know how she got away from her masters plantation with her child unsuspected, but she succeeded in reaching the railway station some miles distant without any trouble. There one of the first persons she saw was her master. He did not recognize her as his chattel or even as a colored woman. He saw in her He saw in her only a young lady travelling without an attendant, and encumbered with an infant, so he kindly assisted her upon the train, found her a seat, and performed such other acts of courtesy as his chivalrous nature suggested, then left her undisturbed to pursue her journey North. Whether he ever learned that he had assisted one of his own slaves to escape I do not know. The following anecdote will serve to show that chivalry, which the southern white man has so long claimed as a trait peculiar to himself, may sometimes be found among the humblest of Gods children. She was a dressmaker — a quiet, hard working woman, with a very small amount of negro blood in her veins, being in fact so nearly white that one would hardly suspect she had any. She sent at different times all of her children to my school — four boys and a girl. The father of these children was a prominent white citizen of the place, and none of the boys showed any trace of color, having fair skins and light, straight hair. The little girl was somewhat darker with a slightly yellow tinge in her complexion. This was all that hinted of her African descent. Arriving in Charlottesville last Friday I found your letter and now acknowledge its receipt with many thanks. Although I date my letters from this place Charlottesville is still my home — Keswick is my express office. Words of mine cannot express the obligations I am under to you for the letter sent me in April. I have been tardy in answering, as I wished I wished to gather some information which I knew would interest you. I feel sure you will do your best in the matter of the books so I will proceed to give you an idea of the changes in Charlottesville and its surroundings I am unable to find words to express my gratitude for the letters you are so kind as to write to me. Please to accept my thanks for your interest in my school. I will endeavor to give you a description of it. We are situated about 10 miles east of Charlottesville, on the old "Richmond Turnpike," and have a neat house. The ground (one acre) was furnished by the patrons, and the School Board put up the house for us, after we had got half the lumber and paid for hauling all the materials used. We got the lumber by each patron giving so many pine trees on the stump, and so determined were they all to have the house that a number of the larger boys would go into the woods, and fell and cut up a tree preparatory to sending it to the saw mill. Our white friends aided us by lending teams etc. I am afraid you are being annoyed by our constant expression of thanks for what you have done for us. I assure you it is no small thing, and we appreciate it very highly. Since your wishes must be respected the pupils have decided to call it the "F. B. Sanborn Library" though they wished very much to call it by your name. Now I wish to ask your perusal of the accompanying little letter, written, without my knowledge by our little secretary who is only ten years this coming June. Her father is a prosperous blacksmith and is, apparantly one of the latest importations from Africa he is so very black and ignorant. This child was in her "letters" as they say less than four years ago (our school year consists of seven months) and now reads in the 5th Reader. I send you the childs letter because it seems to be the outpouring of of the heart. Hoping you will kindly think of us and with kind wishes for your happiness from many here. I will spend this pleasant afternoon in writing to one I have never seen but I have often heard my teacher speak of you and read letters from you to us, and talk of you as being his teacher. We are strangers but that matters but a little. I can write to you with just as much love as to any of my friends. We received your box and all were very proud of it indeed, and all my schoolmates thank you and your friends for your kindness. They are such nice books and make such a respectable little Library — just what we had talked about a long while and O, if you could just see if now it looks so beautiful! You said you didn't care to have it named after you, but we had no other name that we thought would suit so nicely as yours, and the scholars all seem to love that so well that we were compelled to name it the P. Carkin Free Library My Dear Friend and Teacher. It is a long, long time since you were here, and I've been thinking for several years of writing to see if you were still numbered with the living, but have kept putting it off from time to time until I've made it very late, but I hope not too late. Your letter of the 10th inst was duly received. It found us well, and indeed, more than glad to hear from you. I am sorry to know that your sight has gotten so poor, but my prayer is that it may not grow much worse for years to come. I was glad and thankful to receive the picture of the "Minute Man" I remember so distinctly about your telling, and trying to have us understand about them years ago. And not only that, but you told and read to us so much that I recall and which has since become real to me, that I have often wished that I could see you, and make some apology for my ignorance and ingratitude, for then it was meaningless to me, and as with me, so I presume it was to a greater or less extent with the others. But much of the ignorance, inexperience and darkness that met you here, have disappeared, and it is beginning to look like a real dispensation of freedom in which every one has some sort of a chance in the race of life. "The old building where you taught has long since been torn away and all that part of the town is laid out in streets and thickly settled It would be hard for you to tell where the old school house stood. The new school house is farther down, near the Court House. If you remember where the gas house was, it is on the same street. x x x I should be glad if you could see this place again and witness the strides the colored people have made from barbarism to civilization. I did not think to tell you in my last, that they own and publish one newspaper in Charlottesville x x x I will tell you my age as well as I can. I call myself 54. The farm house where I was born was burned in May 1865, and with it all the records. My mother, a short time before her death, took me with her to the old place to get our ages, and what they gave us was all guess work. I was born in January 1855 or 1856 Mother knew it was three weeks after Christmas. That was all she knew about it. I am still vigorous and can do more work at almost anything than the average man." I had sent Mr. Minor some pamphlets of the Humane Society and asked him if there was anything of the kind yet in Charlottesville. To which he replied as follows. "No, they have nothing like a humane society any where in Virginia that I ever heard of certainly not in Charlottesville or in Albemarle County I hope to see a "Red Acre Farm" here in our state some day. At present worn out horses as well as worn out men fare tolerably rough. There is nothing like a "Rescue League" These things have not been thought of yet x x x x "No, they have nothing like a humane society any where in Virginia that I ever heard of certainly not in Charlottesville or in Albemarle County I hope to see a "Red Acre Farm" here in our state some day. At present worn out horses as well as worn out men fare tolerably rough. There is nothing like a "Rescue League" These things have not been thought of yet x x x x Your last letter of Sept 16th was duly received. We were glad to hear from you and to learn of the many helpful Societies among you. I thank you very much for the "horses prayer." Some horses do need to say it daily, but I am thankful to say mine have not said it this winter though the winter has been long and severe, interspersed with a day or two of mild weather now and then. x x x x I am quite busy preparing for my crops, and at present the prospects before me are quite bright. I have a great deal more work than I can do but and cannot afford to hire help but am doing very well alone, and when school closes in April Mabel and Irene will help me a little.
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326Author:  Patton John S. (John Shelton) 1857-1932Requires cookie*
 Title:  Jefferson, Cabell and the University of Virginia  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Until the dawn of the eighteenth century education in Virginia was a special privilege. It was for clergymen and gentlemen,—distinct, as elements,— while the sons of the common people, a term then in frequent use, were well enough employed in making tobacco. The planter who had Madeira in his cellar almost certainly had a tutor in his library for the intellectual behoof of his children; or he sent his sons to Princeton or to the universities of the mother country. The offspring of less fortunate folk grew up in an atmosphere in which Madeira, the clergy, and the pedagogue were little known.
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327Author:  Taine Hippolyte 1828-1893Requires cookie*
 Title:  The Philosophy of Art  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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328Author:  Schéfer GastonRequires cookie*
 Title:  Goupil's Paris Salon of 1897  
 Published:  2004 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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329Author:  McGuire Judith W. (Judith White)Requires cookie*
 Title:  Diary of a Southern Refugee During the War  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: At Home, May 4, 1861.—I am too nervous, too wretched to-day to write in my diary, but that the employment will while away a few moments of this trying time. Our friends and neighbors have left us. Every thing is broken up. The Theological Seminary is closed; the High School dismissed. Scarcely any one is left of the many families which surrounded us. The homes all look desolate; and yet this beautiful country is looking more peaceful, more lovely than ever, as if to rebuke the tumult of passion and the fanaticism of man. We are left lonely indeed; our children are all gone— the girls to Clarke, where they may be safer, and farther from the exciting scenes which may too soon surround us; and the boys, the dear, dear boys, to the camp, to be drilled and prepared to meet any emergency. Can it be that our country is to be carried on and on to the horrors of civil war? I pray, oh how fervently do I pray, that our Heavenly Father may yet avert it. I shut my eyes and hold my breath when the thought of what may come upon us obtrudes itself; and yet I cannot believe it. It will, I know the breach will be healed without the effusion of blood. The taking of Sumter without bloodshed has somewhat DIARY OF A SOUTHERN REFUGEE. soothed my fears, though I am told by those who are wiser than I, that men must fall on both sides by the score, by the hundred, and even by the thousand. But it is not my habit to look on the dark side, so I try hard to employ myself, and hope for the best. To-day our house seems so deserted, that I feel more sad than usual, for on this morning we took leave of our whole household. Mr. — and myself are now the sole occupants of the house, which usually teems with life. I go from room to room, looking at first one thing and then another, so full of sad associations. The closed piano, the locked bookcase, the nicely-arranged tables, the formally-placed chairs, ottomans and sofas in the parlor! Oh for some one to put them out of order! And then the dinner-table, which has always been so well surrounded, so social, so cheerful, looked so cheerless to-day, as we seated ourselves one at the head, the other at the foot, with one friend,—but one,—at the side. I could scarcely restrain my tears, and but for the presence of that one friend, I believe I should have cried outright. After dinner, I did not mean to do it, but I could not help going into the girls' room, and then into C.'s. I heard my own footsteps so plainly, that I was startled by the absence of all other sounds. There the furniture looked so quiet, the beds so fixed and smooth, the wardrobes and bureaux so tightly locked, and the whole so lifeless! But the writing-desks, work-boxes, and the numberless things so familiar to my eyes! Where were they? I paused, to ask myself what it all meant. Why did we think it necessary to send off all that was so dear to us from our own home? I threw open the shutters, and the answer came at once, so mournfully! I heard distinctly the drums beating in Washington. The evening was so still that I seemed to hear nothing else. As MAY, 1861. I looked at the Capitol in the distance, I could scarcely believe my senses. That Capitol of which I had always been so proud! Can it be possible that it is no longer our Capitol? And are our countrymen, under its very eaves, making mighty preparation to drain our hearts' blood? And must this Union, which I was taught to revere, be rent asunder? Once I thought such a suggestion sacrilege; but now that it is dismembered, I trust it may never, never be röunited. We must be a separate people—our nationality must be different, to insure lasting peace and good-will. Why cannot we part in peace? "My dear —— :—For the last four days we have never been longer than two hours in any one place, have slept upon the ground in good weather and bad, eaten nothing but crackers and fried bacon, and rested little at any time; for all of which privations and a thousand others we have been more than compensated (thanks to the just God who governs the councils of history and decrees the destiny of nations) in the glorious results of yesterday. On the morning of the 17th, we had received reliable information that the enemy was advancing, over 50,000 strong, and were not surprised, at five o'clock in the morning, to hear the fire of our pickets, who were slowly retiring before the advancing DIARY OF A SOUTHERN REFUGEE. foe. The order was given to pack. In ten minutes baggage was packed, tents struck, and the wagons driven to the rear; and the whole command forward to line of battle. In a few minutes the glittering bayonets of the enemy lined the neighbouring hills. From the heavy signal-guns being fired at intervals along our line—commencing at German town and stretching along to Fairfax Court-House—it wa evident that the enemy was endeavouring to surround ou little band; but our "Little Trump," as the men call Beauregard, was not to be taken by any such game. Every preparation was made to deceive the enemy, by inducing him to believe that we meditated a vigorous resistance Meantime our column defiled through a densely wooded road, and was far on the way to Centreville when the enemy discovered his mistake. He followed on very cautiously. To our troop, with Kemper's Battery, was assigned the post of honour, and charged with the duty of covering the retreat. We were the last to leave the village, and as we went out at one end of the street, his column appeared at the other. We halted at this place about four o'clock in the afternoon, and again made show of battle—slept until twelve o'clock at the heads of our horses. We silently left the place, the enemy's pickets being within hailing distance of our own. At daybreak we were across Bull Run, having marched very slowly to keep pace with the infantry. We found beds of leaves in the woods, wrapped ourselves in our blankets, and slept for an hour or two, until we were aroused by the roar of the enemy's guns as he opened his batteries upon our lines. For two mortal hours shot and shell flew thick along our whole line. This day's work was evidently intended only to draw the fire of our artillery, and show where our batteries were. In consequee of which our SEPTEMBER, 1861.3* gunners were ordered not to fire a single shot, unless within point-blank range. After thus opening the ball, two dense masses of infantry were sent to defile to the right and left, to make two separate attacks. It was indeed a beautiful sight as they came down in perfect order, and with the stealthy step of veterans. They came nearer and yet nearer, and yet no shot from our guns. Our men began to mutter, and say that we were preparing for another retreat. But in a few moments the appointed time arrived. A single shot from the Washington Artillery gave the signal of death, and for half an hour there was nothing but a continuous sheet of flame along the right of our lines. The enemy fell back, rallied, and charged again, with a like result. Again they rested, and rushed forward, but old Virginia was true to herself, and the gallant Seventeenth and Eighteenth Regiments charged them with the bayonet, and drove them back in utter confusion. The cavalry were held in reserve, and although within range of the artillery, and constantly experiencing the sensation which men may be supposed to indulge, who know there is a hidden danger hovering in the air, without knowing where it is to light, took no part in the action. Our time came yesterday, however. Our troop was for four hours in the hottest of the fight, and every man in it won the applause and approbation of the whole camp. The action commenced at eight o'clock on the sweet Sabbath morning. The enemy commenced with quite a heavy cannonade upon our right, which proved to be a mere feint, to distract our attention, as his main attack was directed to our left wing. At ten o'clock the enemy had crossed the river on our left, and then the fighting commenced in earnest. From the hill on which we stood, we could see, from the smoke and dust, though at DIARY OF A SOUTHERN REFUGEE. the distance of several miles, how the fight was waging on our left. Some thought the enemy was retreating; others that our men had fallen back. It was an hour of painful interest. At eleven o'clock an aid-de-camp rode up in a gallop, and said our men were retiring—the cavalry was ordered to the left. We were temporarily attached to Radford's regiment—ours was the first company, and mine was the first platoon. On we dashed in a gallop, and as we passed within range of a battery of rifled cannon a ball was fired at us which passed between Wickham and myself, knocking up a cloud of dust. Without wavering in their ranks, the men and horses dashed forward at a gallop. As we reached the scene of action the sight was discouraging in the extreme. The enemy had at first the advantage of every attacking party. He had concentrated his forces for an attack upon one point. The First Louisiana Regiment and the Fourth Alabama, attacked in flank and centre by 30,000 men, were literally cut to pieces. They refused to surrender, but retired slowly, disputing every inch of ground. As we rode up we could meet parts of companies which had been utterly overwhelmed—the men wounded, their arms broken, while some of them were carrying off their dead in blankets. Every thing looked like retreat. We were ordered up to within five hundred yards of the enemy's artillery, behind a hill which afforded some protection against their destructive fire. For one hour the fire raged with incessant fury. A ball passed over the hill and through our ranks, grazing one of our men. A shell exploded just under Radford's horse, and every minute shot and shell were continually whistling by us. I can give you no conception of that awful hour. Not a man shrank from his post. Two of our men were taken exceedingly sick, one SEPTEMBER, 1861. fainting from the heat and excitement. Such calmness and composure I never witnessed. To make the matter worse, despondency, if not despair, was fast writing itself upon every face. The fire was evidently approaching us. Our friends were retiring, and the whispered rumour passed from lip to lip that our artillery ammunition was running low. In a moment, however, a cloud of dust in our rear showed the approach of our wagons, coming up at a dashing rate, with a fresh supply. Our reinforcements now commenced pouring in. Georgia, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee swept by in their glittering array with the calm light of battle on their faces, and their bayonets gleaming in the quiet Sabbath sunshine. No man faltered, no man lagged behind. Neither the groans of the dying nor the shrieks of the wounded, as they passed by in crowded ambulances, seemed to produce any impression except to fix the determination upon the countenances of all, to win or to die upon the field. The tide now seemed to ebb, just enough to keep us from despair. The firing did not advance, although the explosion of their shells was terrific in the extreme. A gleam of hope, too, gradually broke in upon us, when Kemper's Battery, which had been posted in our centre, galloped up and opened a destructive fire upon our extreme left. The advance was evidently checked, when a loud cheer in the front told us that something unusual had happened. What was it? Was it the triumph of our enemies over our poor stricken friends; or was it some advantage gained by courage in defence of right? The suspense was awful. Men stood straight in their stirrups and stretched their eyes as if they could pierce the rugged bosom of the barren hill which raised its scarred front between them. An aid passed up. His message is written DIARY OF A SOUTHERN REFUGEE. on his face, and before he speaks a word a wild shout breaks from the throats of thousands. When he speaks, another, another and another round of cheers told the story to our hitherto sinking hearts. The Fourth Virginia Regiment had taken Sprague's Rhode Island Battery of six pieces, at the point of the bayonet. Scarcely had the echo of our cheers died away when again the noise of shouting broke upon the air. What was it? Had the enemy rallied and retaken the guns? Fear struggled with hope. But no: the gallant Twenty-seventh, envious of the glorious achievement of the Fourth, at a single dash had charged a regiment of regulars, swept them from the field, and taken every gun in Sherman's Battery.[See note at end of Book.] The firing of musketry and the rattling of bayonets was now terrible beyond description. For one hour there was an incessant cracking of rifles, without a single moment's pause. The enemy were evidently retiring, and unless reinforced from the left and centre, the day was ours. "Through God's blessing, the enemy, near Port Republic, was this day routed, with the loss of six pieces of artillery. "To President Davis:—This army achieved to-day, on the plains of Manassas, a signal victory over the combined forces of McClellan and Pope. On the 28th and 29th, each wing, under Generals Longstreet and Jackson, repulsed with valour attacks made on them separately. We mourn the loss of our gallant dead in every conflict, yet our gratitude to Almighty God for his mercies rises higher each day. To Him and to the valour of our troops a nation's gratitude is due. "To the People of the Confederate States:
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330Author:  Culbreth David Marvel Reynolds 1856-1943Requires cookie*
 Title:  The University of Virginia  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: In my day at the University of Virginia one required only a brief brushing up against the students, old and new, to be convinced of their extraordinary knowledge of Mr. Jefferson, as he was called always by us with a respect and pride approximating filial veneration. Especially was this noticeable in those coming from Virginia and in that contingent deeply interested in the weekly debates of the Jeff. and Wash. Societies. This to me was a sort of revelation, for of his greatness I knew little, inasmuch as I had simply learned from school histories that he was our third President; had occupied the honorable position two terms; had represented the opposing party to Washington, Adams, Hamilton, Marshall and Jay, and had made more than an ordinary impression upon the then civilized world during his many years of public service. Among the small collection of books at my home was the "Life of Jefferson," by Tucker, but of this I had only read with profit that short portion in the second volume pertaining to the founding of the University. In my first visit to the library I gazed with admiration upon a beautiful white marble statue (Galt's), enclosed by a high iron railing, whose rectangular pedestal bore the inscription:
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331Author:  University of Virginia LibraryRequires cookie*
 Title:  1828 Catalogue of the Library of the University of Virginia  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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332Author:  Chen Shou 233-297Requires cookie*
 Title:  Empresses and Consorts  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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333Author:  Patton John S. (John Shelton) 1857-1932Requires cookie*
 Title:  The University of Virginia  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: An interesting story is that of how the University of Virginia grew out of the idea of one man and became an accomplished fact after more than fifty years of effort, which was often The Occasion and the Men. interrupted by the public cares this leader of thought and action sustained almost unintermittingly through his long life. It brings into view the personality of a young man recently returned from French and Italian universities to engage in some work that would be of service to his people. The occasion was at hand, and the right men for the task were met; for Jefferson, who had the idea, and had thought out all of the details, taking advantage in doing so of his unusual opportunities on both sides of the Atlantic, was well fitted to be the director of this bold movement, while Joseph Carrington Cabell, broadly educated and highly endowed, was the man of his time the best suited to enter the arena, champion the Jefferson idea, and secure statutory tangibleness for the splendid scheme. Albemarle Academy would The Early Professors. call for a passing thought, though it never existed, and Central College would require a word, though its academe never resounded with student voices. The first professors would afford an interesting hour, especially those who had come over sea when ocean voyaging was attended with danger and discomfort—Blaettermann, from "33 Castle street, Holborn," to quote Mr. Jefferson, "a German who was acquainted with our countrymen Ticknor and Preston, and was highly recommended by them;" George Long, the Oxford graduate, "a small, delicate-looking blonde It is the simple truth to say, without Joseph Carrington Cabell's persistent labors in the legislature, his self-sacrifice and indomitable courage, his wonderful political tact and unfailing diplomacy, Jefferson's idea would never have been realized, at least in his lifetime. It was once publicly stated in the Virginia Senate, in 1828, that in promoting "that monument of wisdom," the University, Cabell was "second only to Jefferson." —Dr. Herbert B. Adams. man," charming enough to catch a Virginia widow; and three others— Thomas Hewitt Key, Charles Bonnycastle and Robley Dunglison—who came over in the same vessel, the "Competitor." This voyage, requiring nearly four months—six weeks of which were spent in beating about the Channel—almost reached tragic consequences. The captain (Godby) was little better than a brute, who, Mr. Key said, deserved to be shot for cowardice. During the tedious winter voyage Key and Bonnycastle seem to have amused themselves at the expense of the stupid sailor. One day when they asked the mate for the latitude and longitude, he replied, "Well, gentlemen, the captain has ordered me not to tell you—but he didn't tell me not to chalk them up," which he proceeded to do. Thereupon Key and Bonnycastle covered a paper with a multitude of calculations or figures of no significance, and wound up by giving as a result the figures received through the mate, which they signed as showing the ship's place on such a date "as calculated by Dr. Barlow's new method." They left the paper on the table, and some time afterwards they found an entry in the ship's log in which the figures were given, with a note by the captain, "as calculated by me, by Dr. Barlow's new method."
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334Author:  Davison Thomas RafflesRequires cookie*
 Title:  Port Sunlight  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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335Author:  Moore Frank 1828-1904Requires cookie*
 Title:  Diary of the American Revolution  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: January 1.—The chief troubles of our Israel1 1 The town of Boston. are the Philantrops, the Hazlerods, the Sir Froths, the Tims, the Bens, and the Bobs. These are men, who, for large Causes of trouble in Boston. shares in the American plunder, have sold themselves to do wickedly. The barbarians who have been aiding and assisting bad governors and abandoned ministers, in all their attempts to subjugate and enslave these once happy colonies: the hireling prostitutes who have been constantly representing to ministry that the friends of liberty were a small, insignificant, divided faction; that the people had not virtue to sacrifice any parts of the profits of their trade, or the luxury of their living for the sake of their country; or spirit to withstand the least exertion of power. These are traitors who were for none but licensed town-meetings,2 2 See the Governor's proclamation. and gave administration the outlines of the execrable Boston Port Bill and the other detestable bills for destroying the charter,3 3 Of Massachusetts Bay. and those sacred compacts which Americans once thought were of some value, the faith of kings being the security. These are the unblushing advocates for pensioned governors, dependent judges, hired attorneys, and sheriff created jurors, that the people might, under color of law, be stript of their property, without their consent, and suitably punished if they should dare to complain: the odious rebels, who, for the support of these hateful measures, have invited the troops and ships, that are now distressing the inhabitants of Boston, and alarming 8 not only a single province, but a whole continent. And when almost every event has turned out contrary to their predictions, and when it might be reasonably expected that the union of the colonies, the resolutions of the Continental Congress, and the late associations and preparations to withstand all hostile attempts upon our persons or properties, might lead administration to suspect at least the policy or safety of pushing this people to extremities; we find this infamous cabal playing over the old game of ministerial deception, and Timothy Ruggles1 1 The Chief Justice of the province of Massachusetts Bay. See statement and plan of association, published by Judge Ruggles in most of the Boston papers, Dec. 23-27, 1774, and reprinted in Gaines' New York Gazette, Jan. 9, 1775. with a gravity peculiar to himself and an owl, Timothy Ruggles' assertion. asserting in the public prints—"that though many of the people had for some time past been arming, their numbers would not appear in the field so large as imagined, before it was known that independeney was the object in contemplation;"2 2 An assertion as false as it is impudent and injurious, first uttered by a hireling priest,* * Dr. Myles Cooper, the President of King's, now Columbia, College, a vigorous writer in favor of the crown. in the New York Freeholder, who at the same time declared that he had rather be under the government of Roman Catholics than Dissenters—a declaration truly characteristic of the doctor, and his little club of malignants.—The people of Massachusetts have hitherto acted purely on the defensive; they have only opposed those new regulations which were instantly to have been executed, and would have annihilated all our rights. For this absolutely necessary and manly step they have received the approbation of the Continental Congress, one of the most respectable assemblies in the world. They aim at no independency, nor any thing new, but barely the preservation of their old rights. They have referred their cause to the whole continent, and are determined to act only in free consultation, and close union with their brethren. This is indeed the safety of all.—Editor of the Journal. and further, that since that time, many associated in divers parts of the province, to support what he calls "Government."—But the views and designs of these pensioned prostitutes of Massachusetts,—in all that they say or write, are perfectly kenned by the most short-sighted amongst us. In vain are their scare-crows, raw-head and bloody bones, held up to deter us from taking the most effectual means for our security. The little scribbling, illiberal 9 pieces, which have disgraced the Massachusetts Gazettes, will not lessen the Continental Congress in our The Gazettes. esteem; or retard the measures they have recommended, notwithstanding the sums paid to effect it. These writers, and their attempts to encourage or mislead, are treated with ineffable contempt by their countrymen. It has, however, been unhappy for both countries that the representations and projects of such men as these have been heeded and adopted on the other side of the Atlantic; men whose very livings have depended upon the continuation of those measures which Americans have so long complained of, and sought to have redressed. If these unnaturals should succeed in their present misleading attempts, to the preventing a speedy close to our differences, we shall then have good reason to conclude that blindness has happened to Britons, that the fulness of American Liberty might come in.1 1 Pennsylvania Journal, Jan. 25.
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336Author:  Chiniquy Charles Paschal Telesphore 1809-1899Requires cookie*
 Title:  Fifty Years in the Church of Rome  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: MY father, Charles Chiniquy, born in Quebec, had studied in the Theological Seminary of that city, to prepare himself for the priesthood. But a few days before making his vows, having been the witness of a great iniquity in the high quarters of the church, he changed his mind, studied law and became a notary.
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337Author:  Hagood Johnson 1829-1898Requires cookie*
 Title:  Memoirs of the War of Secession  
 Published:  2005 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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338Author:  University of VirginiaRequires cookie*
 Title:  Catalogue of the University of Virginia  
 Published:  2004 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: JOSEPH C. CABELL, Rector.
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339Author:  University of VirginiaRequires cookie*
 Title:  Catalogue of the officers and students of the University of Virginia  
 Published:  2004 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: THOMAS JEFFERSON, Rector.
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340Author:  University of VirginiaRequires cookie*
 Title:  A catalogue of the officers and students of the University of Virginia  
 Published:  1826 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Catalogues of the students attending the early sessions have never before been published.
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