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41Author:  Hawthorne Nathaniel 1804-1864Requires cookie*
 Title:  Twice-told tales  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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42Author:  Brackenridge H. H. (Hugh Henry) 1748-1816Requires cookie*
 Title:  Modern chivalry  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: I have two objections to this duel matter. The one is, lest I should hurt you; and the other is, lest you should hurt me. I do not see any good it would do me to put a bullet through any part of your body. I could make no use of you when dead, for any culinary purpose, as I would a rabbit or a turkey. I am no cannibal to feed on the flesh of men. Why then shoot down a human creature, of which I could make no use. A buffaloe would be better meat. For though your flesh might be delicate and tender; yet it wants that firmness and consistency which takes and retains salt. At any rate it would not be fit for long sea voyages. You might make a good barbecue, it is true, being of the nature of a racoon or an opossum; but people are not in the habit of barbecuing any thing human now. As to your hide, it is not worth the taking off, being little better than that of a year old colt.
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43Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Requires cookie*
 Title:  The novels of Charles Brockden Brown  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Genius and knowledge command respect; but superior genius and profound knowledge, combined with exalted moral purity, cannot fail to excite unmingled admiration. The reputation of an author in whom these qualities are united, may be circumscribed during life; but its rise and extension after death, prove that his claim to distinction are well founded. It is no less the duty than the pleasure of friendship, to fortify and sustain these claims. The impartiality of criticism cannot but confirm the anticipations of affection. I feel little reluctance in complying with your request. You know not fully the cause of my sorrows. You are a stranger to the depth of my distresses. Hence your efforts at consolation must necessarily fail. Yet the tale that I am going to tell is not intended as a claim upon your sympathy. In the midst of my despair, I do not disdain to contribute what little I can to the benefit of mankind. I acknowledge your right to be informed of the events that have lately happened in my family. Make what use of the tale you shall think proper. If it be communicated to the world, it will inculcate the duty of avoiding deceit. It will exemplify the force of early impressions, and show the immeasurable evils that flow from an erroneous or imperfect discipline. "What shall I say to extenuate the misconduct of last night? It is my duty to repair it to the utmost of my power, but the only way in which it can be repaired, you will not, I fear, be prevailed on to adopt. It is by granting me an interview, at your own house, at eleven o'clock this night. I have no means of removing any fears that you may entertain of my designs, but my simple and solemn declarations. These, after what has passed between us, you may deem unworthy of confidence. I cannot help it. My folly and rashness has left me no other resource. I will be at your door by that hour. If you choose to admit me to a conference, 14 provided that conference has no witnesses, I will disclose to you particulars, the knowledge of which is of the utmost importance to your happiness. Farewell.
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44Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Requires cookie*
 Title:  The novels of Charles Brockden Brown  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: I was resident in this city during the year 1793. Many motives contributed to detain me, though departure was easy and commodious, and my friends were generally solicitous for me to go. It is not my purpose to enumerate these motives, or to dwell on my present concerns and transactions, but merely to compose a narrative of some incidents with which my situation made me acquainted. Here ended the narrative of Mervyn. Surely its incidents were of no common kind. During this season of pestilence, my opportunities of observation had been numerous, and I had not suffered them to pass unimproved. The occurrences which fell within my own experience, bore a general resemblance to those which had just been related, but they did not hinder the latter from striking on my mind with all the force of novelty. They served no end, but as vouchers for the truth of the tale.
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45Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Requires cookie*
 Title:  The novels of Charles Brockden Brown  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: I sit down, my friend, to comply with thy request. At length does the impetuosity of my fears, the transports of my wonder permit me to recollect my promise and perform it. At length am I somewhat delivered from suspense and from tremors. At length the drama is brought to an imperfect close, and the series of events, that absorbed my faculties, that hurried away my attention, has terminated in repose.
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46Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Requires cookie*
 Title:  The novels of Charles Brockden Brown  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: I am very far from being a wise girl. So conscience whispers me, and though vanity is eager to refute the charge, I must acknowledge that she is seldom successful. Conscience tells me it is folly, it is guilt to wrap up my existence in one frail mortal; to employ all my thoughts, to lavish all my affections upon one object; to dote upon a human being, who, as such, must be the heir of many frailties, and whom I know to be not without his faults; to enjoy no peace but in his presence, to be grateful for his permission to sacrifice fortune, ease, life itself for his sake. "If you ever injured Mr. Talbot, your motives for doing so, entitle you to nothing but compassion, while your present conduct lays claim, not only to forgiveness, but to gratitude. The letter you entrust to me, shall be applied to no purpose but that which you proposed by writing it. Inclosed is the paper you request, the seal unbroken and its contents unread. In this, as in all cases, I have no stronger wish than to act as
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47Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Requires cookie*
 Title:  The novels of Charles Brockden Brown  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Stephen Dudley was a native of New York. He was educated to the profession of a painter. His father's trade was that of an apothecary. But this son, manifesting an attachment to the pencil, he was resolved that it should be gratified. For this end Stephen was sent at an early age to Europe, and not only enjoyed the instructions of Fuzeli and Bartolozzi, but spent a considerable period in Italy, in studying the Augustan and Medicean monuments. It was intended that he should practice his art in his native city, but the young man, though reconciled to this scheme by deference to paternal authority, and by a sense of its propriety, was willing, as long as possible to postpone it. The liberality of his father relieved him from all pecuniary cares. His whole time was devoted to the improvement of his skill in his favorite art, and the enriching of his mind with every valuable accomplishment. He was endowed with a comprehensive genius and indefatigable industry. His progress was proportionably rapid, and he passed his time without much regard to futurity, being too well satisfied with the present to anticipate a change. A change however was unavoidable, and he was obliged at length to pay a reluctant obedience to his father's repeated summons. The death of his wife had rendered his society still more necessary to the old gentleman. An hour ago I was in Second street, and saw you. I followed you till you entered the Indian Queen Tavern. Knowing where you are, I am now preparing to demand an interview. I may be disappointed in this hope, and therefore write you this. Why do I write? For whose use do I pass my time thus? There is no one living who cares a jot for me. There was a time, when a throbbing heart, a trembling hand, and eager eyes, were always prepared to read, and ruminate on the scantiest and poorest scribble that dropped from my pen; but she has disappeared; the veil between us is like death. I need not tell you, my friend, what I have felt, in consequence of your silence. The short note which I received, a fortnight after you had left me, roused my curiosity and my fears, instead of allaying them. You promised me a longer account of some mysterious changes that had taken place in your condition. This I was to receive in a few days. At the end of a week I was impatient. The promised letter did not arrive. Four weeks passed away, and nothing came from you. Yes; the narrative of Morton is true. The simple recital which you give, leaves me no doubt. The money is his, and shall be restored the moment he demands it. For what I have spent, I must a little while be his debtor. This he must consent to lose, for I never can repay it. Indeed, it is not much. Since my change of fortune, I have not been extravagant. A hundred dollars is the most I have laid out, and some of this has been in furniture, which I shall resign to him. "I shall not call on you at Hatfield. I am weary of traversing hills and dales; and my detention in Virginia being longer than I expected, shall go on board a vessel in this port, bound for New York. Contract, in my name, with your old friend, for the present accommodation of the girls, and repair to New York as soon as possible. Search out No.—, Broadway. If I am not there to embrace you, inquire for my wife or daughter, and mention your name. Make haste; the women long to see a youth in whose education I had so large a share; and be sure, by your deportment, not to discredit your instructer, and belie my good report.
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48Author:  Summers Lewis Preston 1868-1943Requires cookie*
 Title:  History of southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: 1001-1716. The history of Virginia, from the earliest times until the date of the formation of Washington county by the General Assembly of Virginia, is interesting and instructive, and is necessary to a thorough comprehension of that part of our history subsequent thereto. Capt. Robert Wade marc't from Mayo fort, with 35 men, in order to take a Range to the New River in search of our Enemy Indians. We marcht about three miles that Day to a Plantation, Where Peter Rentfro formerly Lived and took up Camp, where we continued safe that night—Next morning being Sunday, we continued to march about three or four miles, and one Francis New returned back to the Fort, then we had 34 men besides the Capt— We marcht along to a place called Gobeling Town, where we Eat our Brakefast—& so continued our march till late in the afternoon, and took up Camp at the Foot of the Blew Ledge where we continued safe that night—Next morning being Monday, the 14th, Inst. we started early and crossed the Blew Ledge and Fell upon a branch of the Little River, called Pine Creek,— I have the honor to acquaint you in obedience to his Majesty's commands, on the 13th curr't, I met at this place all the principal Chiefs of the upper and lower Cherokee Nations, and on the 14th by his Majesty's royal authority concluded the Treaty with said Indians, ratifying the cession of land lying within the Provinces of South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia by them to his Majesty and His heirs forever, and confirming the Boundary line marked by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, according to the several agreements entered into with said Indians. The line now ultimately confirmed and ratified by said Treaty was as follows: Brothers,—On the 20th day of December last, being in Williamsburg, we received instructions from Lord Botetourt, a great and good man, whom the great King George has sent to preside over his Colony of Virginia, directing us to wait on your father, John Stuart, Esq., Supt. Indian Affairs, in order to have a plan agreed upon for fixing a new Boundary between your people and his Majesty's subjects in the Colony of Virginia. On our way to the place, to our great joy, we met with our good brothers, Judds Friend and the Warrior of Estitoe, who with great readiness took a passage with us from Governor Tryon, to this place where we had the happiness to wait upon your father, Mr. Stuart, and with joint application, represented to him the necessity of taking such measures as may effectually prevent any misunderstanding that might arise between his Majesty's subjects of the Colony of Virginia and our brothers the Cherokees, until a full treaty be appointed and held for the fixing a new Boundary that may give equal justice and satisfaction to the parties concerned, and that his Majesty's subjects, now settled on the lands between Chiswell's Mines, and the Great Island of Holston River, remain in peaceable possession of said lands, until a line is run between them and our good brothers the Cherokees, who will receive full satisfaction for such lands as you, our brothers, shall convey to our Great King for the use of his subjects. His Excellency, the Right Honorable Norborne, the Lord Botetourt, Governor in Chief of the Colony of Virginia, and the King's Council of that Dominion, having ordered us to wait on you and assist in settling the Boundary line between that Colony and the Cherokee Indians, we beg leave to inform you that the line proposed to be marked from Chiswell's Mines to the confluence of the Great Kanawha and the Ohio, would be a great disadvantage to the Crown of Great Britain, and would injure many subjects of Britain that now inhabit that part of the frontier, and have in making that settlement complied with every known rule of government and the laws of that Colony. We, being in very destitute circumstances for want of the ordinances of Christ's house statedly administered amongst us; many of us under very distressing spiritual languishments; and multitudes perishing in our sins for want of the bread of life broken among us; our Sabbaths too much profaned, or at least wasted in melancholy silence at home, our hearts and hands discouraged, and our spirits broken with our mournful condition, so that human language cannot sufficiently paint. Having had the happiness, by the good providence of God, of enjoying part of your labors to our abundant satisfaction, and being universally well satisfied by our experience of your ministerial abilities, piety, literature, prudence and peculiar agreeableness of your qualifications to us in particular as a gospel minister—we do, worthy and dear sir, from our very hearts, and with the most cordial affection and unanimity agree to call, invite and entreat you to undertake the office of a pastor among us, and the care and charge of our precious souls, and upon your accepting of this our call, we do promise that we will receive the word of God from your mouth, attend on your ministry, instruction and reproofs, in public and private, and submit to the discipline which Christ has appointed in his church, administered by you while regulated by the word of God and agreeable to our confession of faith and directory. And that you may give yourself wholly up to the important work of the ministry, we hereby promise to pay you annually the sum of ninety pounds from the time of your accepting this our call; and that we shall behave ourselves towards you with all that dutiful respect and affection that becomes a people towards their minister, using all means within our power to render your life comfortable and happy. We entreat you, worthy and dear sir, to have compassion upon us in this remote part of the world, and accept this our call and invitation to the pastoral charge of our precious and immortal souls, and we shall hold ourselves bound to pray. The following letter is just received from the camp on Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa (as then spelled), dated October 17, 1774: "To be engraved on the Great Seal, Virtus, the genius of the Commonwealth, dressed like an Amazon, resting on a spear with one hand and holding a sword with the other hand and treading on Tyranny, represented by a man prostrate, a crown fallen from his head, a broken chain in his left hand and a scourge in his right. In the exergon the word "Virginia" over the head of Virtus, and underneath the words, "Sic semper tyrannis." On the reverse a groupe, Libertas, with her wand and pileus. On the other side of her Ceres, with the cornucopia in one hand and an ear of wheat in the other. On the other side Eternitas, with globe and phœnix. In the exergon these words: Deus Nobis Hæc Otia Fecit." Some time ago, Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indians respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on the rivers Wattaga, Nolichucky. We are since informed that you are under great apprenhension of the Indians doing mischief immediately. But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the Indians, on his liege subjects: therefore whoever you are, that are willing to join his Majesty's forces as soon as they arrive at the Cherokee nation, by repairing to the King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their families and be free from all danger whatever; yet, that his Majesty's officers may be certain which of you are willing to take up arms in his Majesty's just right, I have thought fit to recommend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty King George, and that they are ready and willing, whenever called on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America; which paper, as soon as it is signed and sent to me safe by hand, should any of the inhabitants be desirous of knowing how they are to be free from every kind of insult and danger, inform them that his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw nation, where five hundred warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession of the frontiers of North Carolina and Virginia, at the same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef, cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price for them by applying to us, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied. The deposition of Jarret Williams taken before me, Anthony Bledsoe, a justice of the peace for the county aforesaid, being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith: That he left the Cherokee nation on Monday night, the 8th inst. (July); Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening by your messenger. The news is really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But I cannot conceive that you have anything to fear from the pretended invasion by British troops, by the route they mention. This must, in my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be able to effect. "I hereby certify that when I was ordered by the Executive last summer to take command of an expedition against the Cherokee Indians, it was left to my own choice whether to take the troops down the Tennessee by water, or on horseback, they were to be paid for such pack horses as might be lost without default of the owners. That expedition not being carried on, I was directed by His Excellency the Governor to take command of the militia ordered to suppress the Tories who were at that time rising in arms, and to apply to that purpose the same means and powers which I was invested with for carrying on the Cherokee expedition, under which direction I marched a number of mounted militia to King's mountain, S. C. We have now collected at this place about 1,500 good men, drawn from the counties of Surry, Wilkes, Burke, Washington and Sullivan counties in this State, and Washington county in Virginia, and expect to be joined in a few days by Colonel Clarke, of Georgia, and Colonel Williams, of South Carolina, with about 1,000 more. As we have at this time called out our militia without any orders from the Executives of our different States, and with the view of expelling the enemy out of this part of the country, we think such a body of men worthy of your attention, and would request you to send a general officer immediately to take the command of such troops as may embody in this quarter. Our troops being all militia and but little acquainted with discipline, we would wish him to be a gentleman of address and able to keep up a proper discipline without disgusting the soldiery. Every assistance in our power shall be given the officer you may think proper to take the command of us. Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before an aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who, by their shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, that if you wish to be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters in four days abused by the dregs of mankind; in short, if you wish to deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp. The `Back Water' men have crossed the mountains; McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you and look out for real men to protect them. I am on my march to you by a road leading from Cherokee Ford, north of King's mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers could finish this business. Something must be done soon. This is their last push in this quarter. Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances to injure the citizens of America. "A statement of the proceedings of the western army, from the 25th day of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson and the army under his command. On receiving intelligence that Major Ferguson had advanced up as high as Gilberttown, in Rutherford county, and threatened to cross the mountains to the western waters, Colonel Campbell, with 400 men from Washington county, Virginia, Colonel Isaac Shelby with 240 men from Sullivan county, North Carolina, and Lieutenant-Colonel John Sevier with 240 men from Washington county, North Carolina, assembled at Watauga on the 25th day of September, where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, with 160 men from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled before the enemy to the western waters. We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th we were joined by Colonel Cleveland on the Catawba river, with 350 men from the counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly a right to command in chief, on the first day of October we dispatched an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our situation, and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the whole. In the meantime Colonel Campbell was chosen to act as commandant till such general officer should arrive. We marched to the Cowpens, on Broad river in South Carolina, where we were joined by Colonel James Williams, with 400 men, on the evening of the 6th of October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped somewhere near the Cherokee ford of Broad river, about thirty miles distant from us. By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with 900 of the best horsemen, and leave the weak horse and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with 900 of the best horsemen about eight o'clock the same evening, and marching all night came up with the enemy about three o'clock, P. M., of the 7th, who lay encamped on the top of King's mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee ford, in the confidence that they would not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous to the attack, on the march, the following disposition was made: Colonel Shelby's regiment formed a column in the center on the left; Colonel Campbell's regiment another on the right; part of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed in front by Major Winston, and Colonel Sevier's regiment formed a large column on the right wing; the other part of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed by Colonel Cleveland himself, and Colonel Williams' regiment, composed the left wing. In this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the enemy before we were discovered. Colonel Shelby's and Colonel Campbell's regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire while the right and left wings were advancing to surround them, which was done in about five minutes; the greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides; our men in some parts, where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance, two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional ardor to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the top of the ridge to where Colonel Cleveland commanded, and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately hoisted by Captain DePeyster, their commanding officer (Major Ferguson having been killed a little before), for a surrender, our fire immediately ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms, the greatest part of them charged, and surrendered themselves to us prisoners at discretion. I came to this place last night to receive General Gates' directions how to dispose of the prisoners taken at King's mountain, in the State of South Carolina, upon the 7th instant. He has ordered them to be taken over to Montgomery county, where they are to be secured under proper guards. General Gates transmits to your Excellency a state of the proceedings of our little party to the westward. I flatter myself we have much relieved that part of the country from its late distress. "A letter of the 7th from Governor Jefferson was read, inclosing a letter of the first from Major-General Gates with a particular account of the victory obtained by the militia over the enemy at King's mountain, on the 7th of October, last, whereupon Resolved:— Orders have been sent to the county lieutenants of Montgomery and Washington, to furnish 250 of their militia to proceed in conjunction with the Carolinians against the Chickamoggas. You are hereby authorized to take command of said men. Should the Carolinians not have at present such an expedition in contemplation, if you can engage them to concur as volunteers, either at their own expense or that of their State, it is recommended to you to do it. Take great care to distinguish the friendly from the hostile part of the Cherokee nation, and to protect the former while you severely punish the latter. The commissary and quartermaster in the Southern department is hereby required to furnish you all the aid of his department. Should the men, for the purpose of dispatch, furnish horses for themselves to ride, let them be previously appraised, as in cases of impress, and for such as shall be killed, die or be lost in the service without any default of the owner, payment shall be made by the public. An order was lodged with Colonel Preston for 1,000 pounds of powder from the lead mines for this expedition; and you receive herewith an order for 500 pounds of powder from Colonel Fleming for the same purpose, of the expenditure of which you will render account. We came into your country to fight your young men. We have killed not a few of them and destroyed your towns. You know you began the war, by listening to the bad councils of the King of England and the falsehoods told you by his agents. We are now satisfied with what is done, as it may convince your nation that we can distress them much at any time they are so foolish as to engage in a war against us. If you desire peace, as we understand you do, we, out of pity to your women and children, are disposed to treat with you on that subject and take you into our friendship once more. We therefore send this by one of your young men, who is our prisoner, to tell you if you are also disposed to make peace, for six of your head men to come to our agent, Major Martin, at the Great Island within two moons. They will have a safe passport, if they will notify us of their approach by a runner with a flag, so as to give him time to meet them with a guard on Holstein river, at the boundary line. The wives and children of these men of your nation that protested against the war, if they are willing to take refuge at the Great Island until peace is restored, we will give them a supply of provisions to keep them alive. "The fulfillment of this message will require your Excellency's further instructions, and in which I expect North Carolina will assist, or that Congress will take upon themselves the whole. I believe advantageous promises of peace may be easily obtained with a surrender of such an extent of country, that will defray the expenses of war. But such terms will be best insured by placing a garrison of two hundred men under an active officer on the banks of the Tenasee. Your faithful services and the exertions which you made to second the efforts of the Southern army, on the 15th inst., claim my warmest thanks. It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge my entire approbation of your conduct, and the spirited and manly behavior of the officers and soldiers under you. Sensible of your merit, I feel a pleasure in doing justice to it. Most of the riflemen having gone home, and not having it in my power to make up another command, you have my permission to return home to your friends, and should the emergency of the southern operations require your further exertions, I will advertise you. "I am very happy in informing you that the bravery of your battalion, displayed in the action of the 15th, is particularly noticed by the General. It is much to be lamented that a failure took place in the line which lost the day, separated us from the main body and exposed our retreat. I hope your men are safe and that the scattered will collect again. Be pleased to favor me with a return of your loss, and prepare your men for a second battle. "Beginning at a white walnut and buckeye at the ford of Holston next above the Royal Oak, and runneth thence—N. 31 W. over Brushy mountain, one creek, Walker's mountain north fork of Holston, Locust cove, Little mountain, Poor Valley creek, Clinch mountain, and the south fork of Clinch to a double and single sugar trees and two buckeye saplings on Bare grass hill, the west end of Morris' knob, fifteen miles and three quarters. Thence from said knob north crossing the spurs of the same, and Paint Lick mountain the north fork of Clinch by John Hines' plantation, and over the river ridge by James Roark's in the Baptist Valley, to a sugar tree and two white oaks on the head of Sandy five miles, one quarter—twenty poles. I am now going to speak to you about powder. I have in my towns six hundred good hunters, and we have very little powder. I hope you will speak to my elder brother of Virginia, to take pity on us, and send us as much as will make our fall's hunt. He will hear you. We are very poor, but don't love to beg, which our brother knows, as I have never asked him for anything else before. I thank him however for all his past favors to the old towns. I hope he will not refuse this favor I ask of him, I have taken Virginia by the hand, and I do not want to turn my face another way, to a strange people. The Spaniards have sent to me to come and speak to them. I am not going, but some of my people have gone to hear what they have to say. I am sitting still at home with my face towards my elder brother of Virginia, hoping to hear from him soon. I will not take of any strange people till I hear from him. Tell him that when I took hold of your hand, I looked on it as if he had been there. The hold is strong and lasting. I have with this talk sent you a long string of white beads as a confirmation of what I say. My friendship shall be as long as the beads remain white. The memorial of the Freemen inhabitating the Country Westward of the Alleghany or Appalachian mountain, and Southward of the Ouasioto* *Indian name for Cumberland mountain. Humbly sheweth: "Your Deputies, after mature consideration, have agreed to address you on the subject of your Public Affairs, well knowing that there is only wanting an exact and candid examination into the facts to know whether you have been well served or abused by your Representatives, whether Government has been wisely administered and whether your rights and Liberties are secure. As members of the Civil Society, you will acknowledge that there are duties of importance and lasting obligation which must take place before individual conveniences or private interest, but it must be granted that in free Communities the laws are only obligatory when made consonant with the constitution or Original Compact; for it is the only means of the surrender then made, the power therein given and the right ariseth to Legislate at all. Hence it is evident that the power of Legislators is in the nature of trusts to form Regulations for the good of the whole, agreeable to the powers delegated, and the deposite put into the General stock, and the end proposed is to obtain the greatest degree of happiness and safety, not for the few but for the many. To attain these ends and these only, men are induced to give up a portion of their natural Liberty and Property when they enter into society. From this it is plain that Rulers may exceed their trust, may invade the remaining portion of natural liberty and property, which would be a usurpation, a breach of solemn obligation and ultimately a conspiracy against the majesty of the people, the only treason that can be committed in a commonwealth. A much admired writer on the side of Liberty begins his work with the following remarkable sentence, which we transcribe for your information, and entreat you to read and ponder well: After having been honored lately with the receipt of several of your Excellency's letters, particularly that of the 17th of May last, and the several communications made in consequence of them, particularly my letter of the 13th of June, the principal officers and the Whig interest in this county seemed to rest satisfied that an amicable and enlightened administration would pave the way to the Legislature and to Congress for the efficient and permanent redress of the principal, and in some cases the almost intolerable grievances of the western inhabitants. But while secure in this confidence, we have to lament that the voice of calumny and faction has reached the seat of supreme rule, and that, without a constitutional enquiry, without a fair hearing, it has been in some degree listened to, and had effect. It is hard to defend when it is not known what we are charged with, and at all times who can disarm private pique, or be able to withstand malice and envy without feeling some smart. But political fury, engendered by Tory principles, knows no bounds and is without a parallel. Bernard and Hutchison have exhibited to Governors and the world, examples that ought to teach wisdom to this and succeeding generations. We are told (but it is only from report) that we have offended government on account of our sentiments being favorable to a new State, and our looking forward for a separation. If such a disposition is criminal, I confess there are not a few in this county to whom guilt may be imputed, and to many respectable characters in other counties on the western waters. If we wish for a separation it is on account of grievances that daily become more and more intolerable, it is from a hope that another mode of governing will make us more useful than we are now to the general confederacy, or ever can be whilst so connected. But why can blame fall on us, when our aim is to conduct measures in an orderly manner, and strictly consistent with the Constitution. Surely men who have bound themselves by every holy tie to support republican principles, cannot on a dispassionate consideration blame us. Our want of experience and knowledge may be a plea against us. We deplore our situation and circumstances on that account, but at the same time firmly believe that our advances to knowledge will still continue slow, perhaps verge towards ignorance and barbarism, without the benefit of local independent institutions. THE MEMORIAL OF ARTHUR CAMPBELL. It is with great concern that we hear that a number of your Towns' people have lately been killed by some white men between Clinch river and Cumberland mountain, and that you blame the Virginians for it. As to who done it, I cannot certainly say, but have heard that one hundred men from Kentucky had gone towards Chickamogga Towns to take satisfaction for the murder that was done on the Kentucky path last October, and what made the people exceedingly angry, was that they heard their Captives, mostly women, were all burnt in the Chickamogga Towns. "August 26, 1791, a party of Indians headed by a Captain Bench, of the Cherokee tribe, attacked the house of Elisha Ferris, two miles from Mockison Gap, murdered Mr. Ferris at his house, and made prisoner Mrs. Ferris and her daughter, Mrs. Livingston, and a young child together with Nancy Ferris. All but the latter were cruelly murdered the first day of their captivity. "About 10 o'clock in the morning, as I was sitting in my house, the fierceness of the dog's barking alarmed me. I looked out and saw seven Indians approaching the house, armed and painted in a frightful manner. No person was then within, but a child of ten years old, and another of two, and my sucking infant. My husband and his brother Henry had just before walked out to a barn at some distance in the field. My sister-in-law, Susanna, was with the remaining children in an out-house. Old Mrs. Livingston was in the garden. I immediately shut and fastened the door; they (the Indians) came furiously up, and tried to burst it open, demanding of me several times to open the door, which I refused. They then fired two guns; one ball pierced through the door, but did me no damage. I then thought of my husband's rifle, took it down but it being double triggered, I was at a loss; at length I fired through the door, but it not being well aimed I did no execution; however the Indians retired from that place and soon after that an old adjoining house was on fire, and I and my children suffering much from the smoke. I opened the door and an Indian immediately advanced and took me prisoner, together with the two children. I then discovered that they had my remaining children in their possession, my sister Sukey, a wench with her young child, a negro man of Edward Callihan's and a negro boy of our own about eight years old. They were fearful of going into the house I left, to plunder, supposing that it had been a man that shot at them, and was yet within. So our whole clothing and household furniture were consumed in the flames, which I was then pleased to see, rather than that it should be of use to the savages. Whereas by the wrong doing of men it hath been the unfortunate lot of the following negroes to be slaves for life, to-wit: Vina, Adam, Nancy sen., Nancy, Kitty and Selah. And whereas believing the same have come into my possession by the direction of Providence, and conceiving from the clearest conviction of my conscience aided by the power of a good and just God, that it is both sinful and unjust, as they are by nature equally free with myself, to continue them in slavery, I do, therefore, by these presents, under the influence of a duty I not only owe my conscience, but the just God who made us all, make free the said negroes hoping while they are free of man they will faithfully serve their Maker through the merits of Christ. Whereas my negro man John (alias) John Broady, claims a promise of freedom from his former master General William Campbell, for his faithful attendance on him at all times, and more particularly while he was in the army in the last war, and I who claim the said negro in right of my wife, daughter of the said General William Campbell, feeling a desire to emancipate the said negro man John, as well for the fulfillment of the above-mentioned promise, as the gratification of being instrumental of prompting a participation of liberty to a fellow creature, who by nature is entitled thereto, do by these presents for myself, my heirs, executors and administrators fully emancipate and make free to all intents and purposes the said negro man John (alias) John Broady from me forever. As witness my hand and seal, this 20th day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. ATTENTION! "ATTENTION!" "THE TOCSIN OF PATRIOTISM. "INFANTRY! To the Freeholders of the County of Washington. NOTICE! "ATTENTION! "COMPANY ORDERS! ATTENTION RIFLEMEN! VOLUNTEER RIFLEMEN. "ATTENTION! Resolved, That it is expedient for the carrying out of the objects of this meeting that the committee hereby appointed shall solicit the concurrent support of the people of Russell, Tazewell, Washington, Smyth, Wythe, Mercer, Giles, Boone, Monroe, Logan, Wyoming, Kanawha, Fayette and Greenbrier counties, in behalf of obtaining a survey for the Virginia and Tennessee railroad from New river along Walker's creek and Holston Valley, passing the Gypsum bank and Salt Works to the Tennessee line for intersection with the Tennessee railroad at the most convenient point. Resolved, That this convention highly approve of the proposed General Railroad Convention to be held at New Orleans, on the first Monday in January next, and request the appointment by the president, on its behalf, of five delegates thereto. Abingdon Academy! In reply to yours of the 16th instant in reference to the Stonewall Jackson Institute, I assure you that any scheme designed to perpetuate the recollections of the virtue and patriotism of General Jackson meets with my approval. As he was a friend of learning, I know of no more effective and appropriate method of accomplishing the praiseworthy object in question than the establishment of an institution in which the young women of our country may be trained for the important and responsible duties of life. I hope the institution established by the people of Southwest Virginia, and dedicated to the memory of General T. J. Jackson, may meet with entire success and prove a blessing to the State. Pursuant to an order of court, we the subscribers have laid off the Prison Bounds, as in the annexed Platt. Beginning at the N. W. corner of the gaol at a stump S. 35° E. 40 poles, crossing the road at 3 forked white oak saplings; thence N. 62° E. 35 poles crossing a creek at the old fording at a large white oak tree by the north side of the road; thence N. 32° W. 30 poles crossing said creek N. E. of head of a spring at a white oak stake and an old black stump; and thence to a white oak sapling on a N. E. stony bank on Mr. Willoughby's lot; thence S. 62° W. 36 poles to the north end of the prison house at the beginning. "In obedience to an act of the assembly entitled "An act for extending the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina." I enclose you a copy of a law, with a proclamation of the Governor of Virginia, by the same conveyance. I am instructed to exercise the authority of the State to the boundary, usually called Walker's line. In this business, it is the wish of the Executive that the subordinate officers conduct themselves in an amicable manner to the inhabitants over which North Carolina formerly exercised Jurisdiction, and with due respect to the authority of the Government south of the River Ohio; these orders are perfectly consonant to my own feelings and sentiments. Therefore, Sir, if you have any objections to make to the change taking place, or anything to ask in favor of the people, it will be respectfully attended to by me and immediately reported to the Governor of Virginia. The enclosed letter from the commanding officer of the militia of Sullivan county, seems to be an avowal of an opposition to an act of our Legislature, for establishing Walker's line as the boundary line to this State. "In obedience to commissions respectively conferred upon us under an act of the legislature of the State of Virginia passed the 18th day of March, 1856, and an act of the legislature of the State of Tennessee, passed the 1st day of March, 1858, authorizing the executives of each of said States respectively to appoint commissioners `to again run and mark' the boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, we the undersigned commissioners, proceeded to discharge the duties assigned us, and beg leave to submit the following as our joint action: Our first object was to determine the duty with which we were charged under the acts of both states, which we found to be substantially the same and both exceedingly vague and indefinite. Herewith I submit a map of the boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, as traced and remarked by the field party in my charge under your direction. The territory in the form of a triangle, lying between the top of Little mountain and the red lines on the map in what is known as "Denton's Valley," has heretofore been recognized by the citizens residing therein as included in the State of Virginia, and the top of Little mountain is recognized as the boundary line. To this supposed boundary both States have heretofore exercised jurisdiction, and north of the summit of the mountain the citizens residing in the triangle have derived their land titles from the State of Virginia; they have there voted, been taxed, and exercised all the rights of citizens of that State. The line, though plainly marked from the top of Little mountain westward nearly to the river, and the cross line at Denton's Valley running south twenty-two west and connecting the north and south lines, seem not to have been recognized as the boundary line, the very existence even of the cross line being unknown until we discovered it; but it is also well defined and so distinctly marked as to leave no doubt that it was run and marked in 1802. With this single exception, the line as traced by us has been, as far as we are able to ascertain, recognized throughout its entire length for fifty-seven years as the true boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee. The latitude, as marked on the map east of Bristol and at Cumberland Gap, was carefully determined by Professor Keith with a "zenith transit" or transit instrument, the most modern and improved astronomical instrument now in use, and may be relied upon as perfectly accurate, except at Bristol, and that was ascertained under disadvantageous circumstances, but it is believed to be nearly correct. West of Bristol, except at Cumberland Gap, the latitude was determined by Lieutenant Francis T. Byan, of the corps of United States topographical engineers, with a "sextant," and may also be relied upon as correctly determined. In your letter of instructions to observe the Solar Eclipse of August 7th, at or near Bristol, Tenn., you also directed me to comply, if practicable, with the request made by the President of Washington College, Virginia, to connect the station at Bristol, the position of which would be astronomically determined, with one or more of the monuments which mark the boundary line of the State of Virginia in that vicinity, so that the longitude and latitude thereof may be accurately known. Your commissioners, appointed by decree of this honorable court, dated April 30, 1900, to ascertain, retrace, re-mark and re-establish the boundary line established between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, by the compact of 1803, which was actually run and located under proceedings had by the two States, in 1801-1803, and was then marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond, and which ran from White Top mountain to Cumberland Gap, respectfully represent that they have completed the duties assigned to them by the said decree of April 30, 1900, that they have remarked and retraced the said boundary line as originally run and marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond in the year 1802, and that for the better securing of the same they have placed upon the said line, besides other durable marks, monuments of cut limestone, four and a half feet long and seven inches square on top, with V's cut on their north faces and T's on their south faces, set three and a half feet in the ground, conveniently located as hereinafter more fully described, so that the citizens of each State and others, by reasonable diligence, may readily find the true location of said boundary; all of which is more particularly set forth in the detailed report of their operations which your commissioners herewith beg to submit, together with two maps explanatory of the same, a list of the several permanent monuments and other durable marks, and a complete bill of costs and charges. And your commissioners further pray that this honorable court accept and confirm this report; that the line as marked on the ground by said commissioners in the years 1901 and 1902 be declared to be the real, certain and true boundary between the States of Tennessee and Virginia; that your commissioners be allowed their expenses and reasonable charges for their own services in these premises, as shown on the bill of costs which forms a part of this report; and finally that your commissioners be discharged from further proceedings in these premises. Please pay to Mr. Andrew Jackson or order two thousand five hundred one dollars sixty-seven cents which place to account of Col. James King Dec'd Aug. 17th 1825 Aged 73 years A Patriot of 1776. Had I seen you when at Huntsville I should have spoken to you and recommended to your kind attention Major John Campbell, lately of the Council of State in Virginia, now a resident of Alabama. I consider him a young man of great merit for integrity, strength and correctness of judgment and purity of political principles. In his welfare I take great interest. Well knowing his merit, I have thought it proper to communicate to you the sense I entertain of it, in the hope that it might be of some service to him.
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49Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Requires cookie*
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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50Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Requires cookie*
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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51Author:  Thatcher B. B. (Benjamin Bussey) 1809-1840Requires cookie*
 Title:  Memoir of Phillis Wheatley  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Not a great many of the younger readers of this little book may know much about Slavery, though they have all heard and read, of course, that such a thing exists, and that even in the southern and western parts of our own country. I do not intend here to discuss the nature of it, or the circumstances that gave rise to it in the first instance, or the effect it is believed to have on the country and the people in and among which it is found. All these matters are more proper for another place. My object is simply to call the attention of those who feel an interest in the condition and character of the African race, to some particulars respecting individuals of that race, who have, at different times, been slaves in different parts of this country, and whose characters were quite too interesting to be passed over by the historian in utter silence.
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52Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Requires cookie*
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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53Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Requires cookie*
 Title:  Memoir and poems of Phillis Wheatley  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Phillis Wheatley was a native of Africa; and was brought to this country in the year 1761, and sold as a slave.
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54Author:  Pemberton Ebenezer 1705-1777Requires cookie*
 Title:  Heaven the residence of the saints  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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55Author:  Brock R. A. (Robert Alonzo) 1839-1914Requires cookie*
 Title:  Virginia and Virginians  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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56Author:  Lindsay James H. (James Hubert) 1862-1933Requires cookie*
 Title:  The McCue murder  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: On Sunday, September 4, 1904, J. Samuel McCue, for twenty years a member of the Charlottesville Bar, just retired from his third term as Mayor of that city, reputed rich man, and officer in the Presbyterian Church, arrived about 6 o'clock from Washington, where he had been for several days, on what business does not appear, although Mrs. McCue had been informed by him that he was in the National Capital taking depositions in a murder case. An hour before he reached the city Mrs. Fannie M. McCue, his wife, had come in from Red Hill, a small station on the Southern railway, some seven miles south of Charlottesville, and was at home when her husband entered the house. Without going into the parlor, where she was with a visitor, he went upstairs to the bath-room to rid himself of the stains of travel. When he met her, the manner of his greeting, and all other details of that evening until the supper hour, are lacking. The occurrences at the evening meal come into the story at a later period. Dear Aunt Sallie,—I received your kind and affectionate letter a few minutes ago, and will answer now, as I am afarid I will forget it. We are now at home with Aunt Sammie and Uncle Marshall Dinwiddie, who are very kind and good to us, but I come home and miss my dear mother, whom I put before my God, and who I miss many times in the day. "I do not wish to worry you, as I know you have worries enough, but I do think you ought to send me my watch, as it is all I have to pay Mr. Harmon to get me free from the treacherous man I have. Now, if you won't send it to me send me word how much you want me to pay you.
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57Author:  Smith Margaret VowellRequires cookie*
 Title:  Virginia, 1492-1892  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland, Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents shal come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certaine science, & meere motion, we have giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt to our trusty and well-beloued seruant, Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires and assignes for euer, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen, and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and the same to haue, holde, occupy & enioy to him, his heires and assignes for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, iurisdictios, royalties, priuiledges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons, bodies politique or corporate; and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs, our heires and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires & assignes, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues, or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realm of England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Whereas Wee, by our letters pattents under our great seale of England, bearing date att Westminster, the tenth day of Aprill, in the year of our raigne of England, France and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the 39th, have given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the said letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and conduct two several Colonies or plantations of sundry our loving people willing to abide and inhabit in certain parts of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences, priviledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee according to the effect and true meaning of the same letters pattents, doe by these presents, signed with our hand, signe manuel and sealed with our privy seale of our realme of England, establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our Tower of London, Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder of the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John Dodderidge, Esq., Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr., John Eldred of the citty of London, merchant, Thomas James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and James Bagge of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Virginia or any the territories of America, between thirty-four and fourty-five degrees from the æquinoctial line northward, and the Islands to the several collonies limitted and assigned, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have full power and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and under us, our heires and successors, to give directions to the councels of the several collonies which shal be within any part of the said country of Virginia and America, within the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands aforesaid, for the good government of the people to be planted in those parts, and for the good ordering and desposing of all causes happening within the same, and the same to be done for the substance thereof, as neer to the common lawes of England, and the equity thereof, as may be, and to passe under our seale, appointed for that councel, which councel, and every and any of them shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, and others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our heires and successors, and att our and their will and pleasure, and the same councel of Virginia, or the more part of them, for the time being, shall nominate and appoint the first several councellours of those several councells, which are to be appointed for those two several colonies, which are to be made plantations in Virginia and America, between the degrees before mentioned, according to our said letters pattents in that behalfe made; and that each of the same councels of the same several colonies shal, by the major part of them, choose one of the same councel, not being the minister of God's word, to be president of the same councel, and to continue in that office by the space of one whole year unless he shall in the meantime dye or be removed from the office; and we doe further hereby establish and ordaine, that it shal be lawful for the major part of either of the said councells, upon any just cause, either absence or otherwise, to remove the president or any other of that councel, from being either president, or any of that councel; and upon the deathes or removal of any of the presidents or councel, it shall be lawful for the major part of that councel to elect another in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, as they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said councellours, and wee doe establish and ordaine, that the president shal not continue in his office of presidentship above the space of one year; and wee doe specially ordaine, charge, and require the said president and councells, and the ministers of the said several colonies respectively, within their several limits and precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe provide, that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or border upon them, according to the doctrines, rights, and religion now professed and established within our realme of England. Captaine Martine, we are to request50 50request, McDowell. you upon sight hereof, with all convenient speed to repaire hither to James citty to treatt and conferre wth us about some matters of especial51 51especiall, McDonald. importance, wch concerns52 52concerne, McDonald and Bancroft. both us and the whole Colony and yourself. And of this we praye you not to faile. `Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Burgesses of this Grand Assembly, for God's glory and the public benefit of the Colony, to the end that God might avert his heavy judgments that are upon us, that the last Wednesday in every month be set apart for fast and humiliation, and that it be wholly dedicated to prayers and preaching, &c. First. It is agreed and cons ted that the plantation of Virginia, and all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remaine in due obedience and subjection to the common wealth of England, according to the lawes there established, And that this submission and subscription bee acknowledged a voluntary act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon the countrey, And that they shall have and enioy such freedomes and priviledges as belong to the free borne people of England, and that the former government by the comissions and instructions be void and null. First. That neither Governour nor councill shall be obliged to take any oath or engagement to the Common-Wealth of England for one whole yeare, And that neither Governor nor Councill be censured for praying for or speaking well of the King for one whole yeare in their private houses or neighbouring conference. "Whereas it appears by act of Assembly held at James Cittie in May, 1652, That it was agreed vpon and thought best by the then commissioners for the parliament, and the Burgesses of the then a sembly, That the right of election of all officers of this collony should be and appertaine to the Burgesses, the representatives of the people, Now know yee, That wee the present Burgesses of this Grand Assembly have a cordingly constituted and ordained the severall persons vnder written to be the Governour, Councill & Commissioners of this country of Virginia vntil the next Assembly or vntil the further pleasure of the supreme power in England shall be known. The Governour and Councill for many important causes do think fitt hereby to declare, That they do now disolve this present Assembly. And that the Speaker accordingly do dismiss the Burgesses. The Answer of the Burgesses to the declaration of the Honourable Governour and Councill. Vpon your assurance of a speedy issue to conclude the acts so near brought to a confirmation in this Assembly, wee are willing to come to a speedy conclusion, And to referre the dispute of the power of disolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse, the Lord Protector: The House is vnanimously of opinion that the answer returned is vnsatisfactory, and desire with as much earnestnes as the honourable Governour and Councill have expressed, a speedy dispatch, and propose That the Governour and Councill please to declare. Vpon your promise received of the speedy and happy conclusion, wee revoke the declaration for the dissolution of the Assembly, and referre the dispute of the power of dissolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse the Lord Protector. Wee have considered the present constitution of the government of Virginia and do propose, That wee find by the records The present power of government to reside in such persons as shall be impowered by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia, but the House of Burgesses. These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to will and require you not to act orr execute any warrant, precept or command directed to you from any other power or person then the Speaker of this hon'ble. House, whose commands you are hereby required to obey and not to decline therefrom vntill further order from vs the Burgesses of this present Grand Assembly, hereof faile not as you will answer the contrary at your perill. Given 2d. Apr. 58. Act I. "Whereas the necessity of the country being in danger of the oppression company and the losse of our liberties for want of such an agent in England as is able to oppose the invaders of our freedomes and truly to represent our condition to his sacred majestie enforceth the employing a person of quality to present our grievances to his majesty's gracious consideration and endeavour the redresse which the right honorable Sir William Berkeley his majestyes governor hath been pleased to undertake. Bee itt therefore enacted that there be raysed by the country the some of two hundred thousand pounds of tobacco and cask for his the said Sir William Berkeley's support in his voyage; and that payment be made thereof by the 20th of January in Yorke river and James river to such persons as his honor shall appoint and that the secretary of state and speaker of the assembly signe a manifesto to the governor of the country's engagement for payment thereof."* *Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. II., page 17. Att a Grand Assemblie, Holden at James Cittie by prorogation from the twentie third of March, 1660, to the twentie third of March 1661; and thence to the twentie third of December 1662, in the fourteenth year of the raigne of our soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc. To the glorie of Almightie God and the publique good of this his Majesties colonie of Virginia: "First.—We declare all due allegiance and obedience to our lawful Sovereign, George the Third, King of Great Britain. And we determine to the utmost of our power to preserve the laws, the peace, and good order of this Colony, as far as is consistent with the preservation of our constitutional rights and liberty. Copy sent the Governor, (Thomas Jefferson) on the 15th January, 1781. The general assembly of Virginia being well satisfied that the happiness, strength and safety of the United States, depend, under Providence, upon the ratification of the articles for a federal union between the United States, heretofore proposed by congress for the consideration of the said states, and preferring the good of their country to every object of smaller importance, Do Resolve, That this commonwealth will yield to the congress of the United States, for the benefit of the said United States, all right, title, and claim that the said commonwealth hath to the lands northwest of the river Ohio, upon the following conditions, to wit: That the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into states containing a suitable extent of territory, and shall not be less than one hundred nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances will admit: That the states so formed shall be distinct republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union, having the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other states. It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming, being the only acting member of council for some time before the appointment of chief magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia, and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government, and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein: Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress have published their proclamation, announcing the signature and ratification of the preliminary articles of peace between the several powers at war, and commanding the citizens of these United States to cease from any farther hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and his subjects, both by sea and land: "Everybody knows I have the highest opinion of you as an officer, and you know I love you as a friend; whatever may be your determination, to retire or continue in service, my affection will accompany you. I am, with esteem and affection, your most obedient humble servant, "Whereas it is shewn to the present General Assembly, that the government of the United States is solicitous that certain lands at Old Point Comfort, and at the shoal called the Rip Raps, should be, with the right of property and entire jurisdiction thereon, vested in the said United States for the purpose of fortification, and other objects of national defence,
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58Author:  Kennedy Philip Pendleton 1808-1864Requires cookie*
 Title:  The Blackwater chronicle  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: If the reader will take down the map of Virginia, and look at Randolph county, he will find that the Blackwater is a stream that makes down from the north into the Cheat river, some few miles below the point where that river is formed by the junction of the Dry fork, the Laurel fork, and the Glade fork—the Shavers, or Great fork, falling in some miles below: all rising and running along the western side of the Backbone of the Alleganies.
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59Author:  Charlottesville (Va.)Requires cookie*
 Title:  The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1945  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, approved March 24, 1922 (Acts 1922, p. 697 et seq.), and all acts amendatory thereof, to and including the acts of 1944. "WHEREAS, the director of finance has received the full purchase price of the property hereby conveyed as is evidenced by his signature hereto. "THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this ...... day of .............., 19.., by and between the CITY OF CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, hereinafter referred to as the City, and ........, hereinafter referred to as Owner.
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60Author:  De Hass Wills 1818?-1910Requires cookie*
 Title:  History of the early settlement and Indian wars of Western Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: "Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and afterwards ratified by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for their hunting ground. And as it is of the highest importance to his Majesty's service, and the preservation of the peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving them any just cause of complaint: This is therefore to forbid any of his Majesty's subjects to settle or hunt to the west of the Alleghany mountains, on any pretence whatever, unless such have obtained leave in writing from the general, or the governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several posts erected in that part of the country, for the protection of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be seized, any of his Majesty's subjects, who, without the above authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished according to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a court martial. What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for? The white people killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought nothing of that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to war since; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. I have this moment received certain intelligence that the enemy are coming in great force against us, and particularly against Wheeling. You will immediately put your garrison in the best posture of defence, and lay in as great a quantity of water as circumstances will admit, and receive them coolly. They intend to decoy your garrison, but you are to guard against stratagem, and defend the post to the last extremity. We, the subscribers, do hereby certify that the within specified appraisements are just and true, to the best of our judgments; and that the several articles were lost in the late unhappy defeat near M'Mechen's narrows, on the 27th of September, 1777—as witness our hands, this 3d of October, 1777. On Monday afternoon, September 11, 1782, a body of about 300 Indians, and 50 British soldiers, composing part of a company known as the `Queen's Rangers,' appeared in front of the fort, and demanded a surrender. These forces were commanded respectively by the white renegade Girty, and a Captain Pratt. Yours of the 8th instant has just come to hand, and I with pleasure sit down to answer your request, which is a statement of my adventure with the Indians. I will give the narrative as found in my sketch book. I was born in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, February 4th, 1777. When about eight years old, my father, James Johnson, having a large family to provide for, sold his farm, with the expectation of acquiring larger possessions further west. Thus he was stimulated to encounter the perils of a pioneer life. He crossed the Ohio river, and bought some improvements on what was called Beach Bottom Flats, two and a half miles from the river, and three or four miles above the mouth of Short creek, with the expectation of holding by improvement right under the Virginia claim. Soon after we reached there, the Indians became troublesome; they stole horses, and killed a number of persons in our neighborhood. When I was between eleven and twelve years old, in the month of October, 1788, I was taken prisoner by the Indians, with my brother John, who was about eighteen months older than I. The circumstances were as follows:—On Saturday evening, we were out with an older brother, and came home late in the evening. The next morning one of us had lost a hat, and about the middle of the day, we thought that perhaps we had left it where we had been at work, about three-fourths of a mile from the house. We went to the place and found the hat, and sat down on a log by the road-side, and commenced cracking nuts. In a short time we saw two men coming toward us from the house. By their dress, we supposed they were two of our neighbors, James Perdue and J. Russell. We paid but little attention to them, until they came quite near us, when we saw our mistake; they were black. To escape by flight was impossible, had we been disposed to try. We sat still until they came up. One of them said, "How do, brodder?" My brother asked them if they were Indians, and they answered in the affirmative, and said we must go with them. One of them had a blue buckskin pouch, which we gave my brother to carry, and without further ceremony, he took up the line of march for the wilderness, not knowing whether we should ever return to our cheerful home; and not having much love for our commanding officers, of course we obeyed orders rather tardily. The mode of march was thus—one of the Indians walked about ten steps before, the other about ten behind us. After travelling some distance, we halted in a deep hollow and sat down. They took out their knives and whet them, and talked some time in the Indian tongue, which we could not understand. My brother and me sat eight or ten steps from them, and talked about killing them that night, and make our escape. I thought, from their looks and actions, that they were going to kill us; and, strange to say, I felt no alarm. I thought I would rather die than go with them. The most of my trouble was, that my father and mother would be fretting after us—not knowing what had become of us. I expressed my thoughts to John, who went and began to talk with them. He said that father was cross to him, and made him work hard, and that he did not like hard work; that he would rather be a hunter, and live in the woods. This seemed to please them; for they put up their knives, and talked more lively and pleasantly. We became very familiar, and many questions passed between us; all parties were very inquisitive. They asked my brother which way home was, several times, and he would tell them the contrary way every time, although he knew the way very well. This would make them laugh; they thought we were lost, and that we knew no better. They conducted us over the Short creek hills in search of horses, but found none; so we continued on foot until night, when we halted in a hollow, about three miles from Carpenter's fort, and about four from the place where they first took us; our route being somewhat circuitous, we made but slow progress. As night began to close in, I became fretful. My brother encouraged me, by whispering that we would kill them that night. After they had selected the place of our encampment, one of them scouted round, whilst the other struck fire, which was done by stopping the touch-hole of his gun, and flashing powder in the pan. After the Indian got the fire kindled, he re-primed the gun and went to an old stump, to get some tinder wood, and while he was thus employed, my brother John took the gun, cocked it, and was about to shoot the Indian: alarmed lest the other might be close by, I remonstrated, and taking hold of the gun, prevented him shooting; at the same time I begged him to wait till night, and I would help him kill them both. The other Indian came back about dark, when we took our supper, such as it was,—some corn parched on the coals, and some roasted pork. We then sat and talked for some time. They seemed to be acquainted with the whole border settlement, from Marietta to Beaver, and could number every fort and block-house, and asked my brother how many fighting men there were in each place, and how many guns. In some places, my brother said, there were a good many more guns than there were fighting men. They asked what use were these guns. He said the women could load while the men fired. But how did these guns get there? My brother said, when the war was over with Great Britain, the soldiers that were enlisted during the war were discharged, and they left a great many of their guns at the stations. They asked my brother who owned that black horse that wore a bell? He answered, father. They then said the Indians could never catch that horse. We then went to bed on the naked ground, to rest and study out the best mode of attack. They put us between them, that they might be the better able to guard us. After awhile, one of the Indians, supposing we were asleep, got up and stretched himself on the other side of the fire, and soon began to snore. John, who had been watching every motion, found they were sound asleep. He whispered to me to get up, which we did as carefully as possible. John took the gun with which the Indian had struck fire, cocked it, and placed it in the direction of the head of one of the Indians. He then took a tomahawk, and drew it over the head of the other Indian. I pulled the trigger, and he struck at the same instant; the blow falling too far back on the neck, only stunned the Indian. He attempted to spring to his feet, uttering most hideous yells, but my brother repeated the blows with such effect that the conflict became terrible, and somewhat doubtful. The Indian, however, was forced to yield to the blows he received on his head, and in a short time he lay quiet at our feet. The one that was shot never moved; and fearing there were others close by, we hurried off, and took nothing with us but the gun I shot with. They had told us we would see Indians about to-morrow, so we thought that there was a camp of Indians close by; and fearing the report of the gun, the Indian hallooing, and I calling to John, might bring them upon us, we took our course towards the river, and on going about three-fourths of a mile, came to a path which led to Carpenter's fort. My brother here hung up his hat, that he might know where to take off to find the camp. We got to the fort a little before daybreak. We related our adventure, and the next day a small party went out with my brother, and found the Indian that was tomahawked, on the ground; the other had crawled off, and was not found till some time after. He was shot through close by the ear. Having concluded this narrative, I will give a description of the two Indians. They were of the Delaware tribe, and one of them a chief. He wore the badges of his office—the wampum belt, three half-moons, and a silver plate on his breast; bands of silver on both arms, and his ears cut round and ornamented with silver; the hair on the top of his head was done up with silver wire. The other Indian seemed to be a kind of waiter. He was rather under size, a plain man. He wore a fine beaver hat, with a hole shot through the crown. My brother asked him about the hat. He said he killed a captain and got his hat. My brother asked him if he had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a good many. He then asked him if the big Indian had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a great many, and that he was a great captain—a chief. * * * * * Your note of this day I have duly received, and with sincere pleasure proceed to comply with your requisitions; especially, as the facts will have a more fitting and enduring place of record, than if stated in a public print—which it was my intention to have done, had you not presented a superior vehicle. Brigadier-General McIntosh having requested from Congress leave to retire from the command of the westward, they have, by a resolve of the 20th February, granted his request, and directed me to appoint an officer to succeed him. From my opinion of your abilities, your former acquaintance with the back country, and the knowledge you must have acquired upon this last tour of duty, I have appointed you to the command in preference to a stranger, as he would not have time to gain the necessary information between that of his assuming the command and the commencement of operations.
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