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University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection[X]
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1Author:  Meade William 1789-1862Add
 Title:  Old churches, ministers and families of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: "The earliest mention of a clergyman in the minutes of the vestry is in 1753, when it was `ordered that two thousand pounds of tobacco be paid to the Rev. Mr. Proctor, for services by him done and performed for this parish.' And at the same meeting, `on motion of James Foulis, for reasons appearing to this vestry, he is received and taken minister of this parish.' The name of Mr. Foulis continues to appear on the minutes of the vestry until 1759, when tradition relates that he went away, nobody knew whither, and that he was not for a long time, if ever afterward, heard from. In 1762 the Rev. Thomas Thompson officiated a few months, and then resigned his charge, in consequence of his age and the extent of the parish. The next spring the Rev. Alexander Gordon, from Scotland, became rector of the parish, and continued to officiate until the commencement of our Revolution, when, being disaffected toward the new order of things, he retired, and spent his remaining days near Petersburg. Some of his descendants are still remaining in the parish, among whom are some of the brightest ornaments and chief supporters of the Church. Of his own morals, however, and those of his predecessor, (Foulis,) tradition does not speak in unmeasured terms. I have lately read your articles on Lunenburg, Charlotte, Halifax, Prince Edward, &c with special interest, as my early years were spent in the latter county, where my maternal relatives reside, and who were connected with many families in the other counties mentioned, by blood, or affinity, or religious sympathy. Your papers embody much that I have often heard, with considerable additions. Knowing that, while traversing this region, "Incedis per ignes, suppositos cineri doloso," I must needs be curious to see how you would bear yourself, and I cannot refrain from intimating my admiration of the spirit in which you have handled a somewhat difficult theme. I will even add something more in this connection,—reflections occasioned by your notices, and which I must beg you to excuse, if at all trenching on propriety. "The case of thirty-two Protestant German families settled in Virginia humbly showeth:—That twelve Protestant German families, consisting of about fifty persons, arrived April 17th, in Virginia, and were therein settled near the Rappahannock River. That in 1717 seventeen Protestant German families, consisting of about fourscore persons, came and set down near their countrymen. And many more, both German and Swiss families, are likely to come there and settle likewise. That for the enjoyment of the ministries of religion, there will be a necessity of building a small church in the place of their settlement, and of maintaining a minister, who shall catechize, read, and perform divine offices among them in the German tongue, which is the only language they do yet understand. That there went indeed with the first twelve German families one minister, named Henry Hœger, a very sober, honest man, of about seventy-five years of age; but he being likely to be past service in a short time, they have empowered Mr. Jacob Christophe Zollicoffer, of St. Gall, in Switzerland, to go into Europe and there to obtain, if possible, some contributions from pious and charitable Christians toward the building of their church, and bringing over with him a young German minister to assist the said Mr. Hœger in the ministry of religion, and to succeed him when he shall die; to get him ordained in England by the Right Rev. Lord-Bishop of London, and to bring over with him the Liturgy of the Church of England translated into High Dutch, which they are desirous to use in the public worship. But this new settlement consisting of but mean persons, being utterly unable of themselves both to build a church and to make up a salary sufficient to maintain such assisting minister, they humbly implore the countenance and encouragement of the Lord-Bishop of London and others, the Lords, the Bishops, as also the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, that they would take their case under their pious consideration and grant their usual allowance for the support of a minister, and, if it may be, to contribute something toward the building of their church. By diligently perusing your letter, I perceive there is a material argument, which I ought to have answered, upon which your strongest objection against completing my happiness would seem to depend, viz.: That you would incur ye censures of ye world for marrying a person of my station and character. By which I understand that you think it a diminution of your honour and ye dignity of your family to marry a person in ye station of a clergyman. Now, if I can make it appear that ye ministerial office is an employment in its nature ye most honourable, and in its effects ye most beneficial to mankind, I hope your objections will immediately vanish, yt you will keep me no longer in suspense and misery, but consummate my happiness. For want of opportunity and leisure, I have delayed till now answering your letter relative to your preaching in the Pine Stake Church. When the vestry met I forgot to mention your request to them, as I promised you, till it broke up. I then informed the members present what you required of them; who, as the case was new and to them unprecedented, thought it had better remain as it then stood, lest the members of the church should be alarmed that their rights and privileges were in danger of being unjustifiably disposed of Since I wrote you some days since, a few items of interest in relation to this parish have come to my hands. A single leaf, and that somewhat mutilated, of the old vestry-book of St. Thomas parish, was found among the papers of one of my communicants who died last week, and has since been handed to me. From this I am able to ascertain who composed the vestry as far back as 1769. The record states:—`At a vestry held for St. Thomas parish, at the glebe, on Friday, the 1st day of September, 1769, present, Rev. Thomas Martin, Eras. Taylor, James Madison, Alexander Waugh, Francis Moore, William Bell, Rowland Thomas, Thomas Bell, Richard Barbour, William Moore' The object of their meeting was to take into consideration the repairs necessary to be made to the house and other buildings connected with the glebe. I have endeavoured to obtain all the information to be had respecting the old parish of Bloomfield,—embracing a section of country now known as Madison and Rappahannock. What I have gathered is from the recollections of the venerable Mrs. Sarah Lewis, now in her eighty-second year. Mrs. Lewis is descended from the Pendletons and Gaineses, of Culpepper, the Vauters, of Essex, and the Ruckers. From her I learn that there were two churches,—the brick church, called F. T., which stood near what is now known as the Slate Mills. It took its name from being near the starting-point of a survey of land taken up by Mr. Frank Thornton, who carved the initials of his name—F.T.—on an oak-tree near a spring, where his lines commenced. The other church was called South Church,—I presume from its relative situation, being almost due south, and about sixteen miles distant, and four miles below the present site of Madison Court-House. It was a frame building and stood on the land of Richard Vauters. Both buildings were old at the commencement of the Revolutionary War, and soon after, from causes common to the old churches and parishes in Virginia, went into slow decay. The first minister she recollects as officiating statedly in these churches was a Mr. Iodell, (or Iredell,) who was the incumbent in 1790 or 1792. He remained in the parish only a few years, when he was forced to leave it in consequence of heavy charges of immorality. He was succeeded by the Rev. Mr. O'Niel, an Irishman, who had charge of the parish for some years, in connection with the Old Pine Stake and Orange Churches. He was unmarried, and kept school near the Pine Stake Church, which stood near to Raccoon Ford, in Orange county. Mr. John Conway, of Madison, was a pupil of his, and relates some things which I may here mention, if you are not already weary of the evil report of old ministers. He played whist, and on one occasion lost a small piece of money, which the winner put in his purse, and whenever he had occasion to make change (he was a sheriff) would exhibit it, and refuse to part with it, because he had won it from the parson. He also took his julep regularly, and, to the undoing of one of his pupils, invited him to join him in the social glass. Still, he was considered as a sober man. Mr. O'Niel left these churches about the year 1800. After that the Rev. Mr. Woodville occasionally performed services there. After the parish became vacant, and the churches had gone to decay, the Lutheran minister, a Mr. Carpenter, officiated at the baptisms, marriages, and funerals of the Episcopal families. It was at the old Lutheran Church, near the court-house, that some of our first political men in Virginia, when candidates for Congress, held meetings and made speeches on Sundays, after the religious services. The same was also done in other places, under the sanction of Protestant ministers. Your letters, the one by Mrs. Carter, and the other enclosing your amiable daughter's to that good lady, are both come safe to hand, and you may rest assured that nothing could give my family a greater pleasure than to hear and know from yourself—that is to say, to have it under your own signature—that you still enjoy a tolerable share of health; and your friend, Mrs. Ann Butler, [Mr. Carter's second wife,] begs leave to join with me in congratulating both you and Mrs. Currie upon being blessed, not only with dutiful, healthy, and robust children, but clever and sensible. We rejoice to hear it, and pray God they may prosper and become useful members of society. "I understand that you are advised and have some thoughts of putting your son George to sea. I think he had better be put apprentice to a tinker, for a common sailor before the mast has by no means the common liberty of the subject; for they will press him from a ship where he has fifty shillings a month and make him take twenty-three, and cut and slash and use him like a negro, or rather like a dog. And, as to any considerable preferment in the navy, it is not to be expected, as there are always so many gaping for it here who have interest, and he has none. And if he should get to be master of a Virginia ship, (which it is very difficult to do,) a planter that has three or four hundred acres of land and three or four slaves, if he be industrious, may live more comfortably, and leave his family in better bread, than such a master of a ship can. . . . He must not be too hasty to be rich, but go on gently and with patience, Vol. II.—9 as things will naturally go. This method, without aiming at being a fine gentleman before his time, will carry a man more comfortably and surely through the world than going to sea, unless it be a great chance indeed. I pray God keep you and yours It is a sensible pleasure to me to hear that you have behaved yourself with such a martial spirit, in all your engagements with the French, nigh Ohio. Go on as you have begun, and God prosper you. We have heard of General Braddock's defeat. Everybody blames his rash conduct. Everybody commends the courage of the Virginians and Carolina men, which is very agreeable to me. I desire you, as you may have opportunity, to give me a short account how you proceed. I am your mother's brother. I hope you will not deny my request. I heartily wish you good success, and am You will remember that I objected sitting as a member of the Committee for Courts of Justice, whilst it was acting upon the petition in relation to Yeocomico Church, because I was a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and understanding that it was the subject of dispute between that Church and the Episcopal Church; but at your instance I did sit, but, being chairman of the committee, its action made it unnecessary for me to vote. I take this mode, however, of saying that I perfectly agreed with the committee, and even desired to go further than the committee in this. I wished to pass a law giving to the Episcopal Church all churches that it is now in possession of, to which it had a right before the Revolutionary War. I think the construction given by the committee to the Act of 1802, or at least my construction of it, is, that the General Assembly claimed for the Commonwealth the right to all the real property held by that Church, but that Act expressly forbids the sale of the churches, &c. It is true, the proviso to that Act does not confer upon the churches the right of property in the houses, &c. But it intended to leave the possession and occupancy as it then existed; and, that possession and occupancy being in the Episcopal Church, it had a right to retain it until the Legislature should otherwise direct. I believe that the Committee was of the opinion that the Episcopal Church had a right to the use and occupancy of the church now in question: it certainly is my opinion. I hope my Methodist brethren will see the justness of the determination of the Committee, and with cheerfulness acquiesce in its decision. The Rev. Wm. Hanson, rector of Trinity Church in this place, a few days since handed me a number of the `Southern Churchman' from Alexandria, dated the 27th of February, 1857. In it is an historical sketch, from your pen, of Cople parish, Westmoreland county, Virginia, and particularly of Yeocomico Church,—a spot ever near and dear to my memory. From a long and intimate acquaintance with its locality and history, I beg leave very respectfully to present the following facts. It was built in the year 1706, as an unmistakable record will show,—it being engraved in the solid wall over the front-door. It was called by that name after the adjacent river,—the Indian name being preserved. The Rev. Mr. Elliot was the last settled minister up to the year 1800, when he removed to Kentucky. From that time it was wholly unused and neglected as a place of worship until the Methodists occasionally met under the shadow of its ruin about the year 1814, and continued so to do, keeping alive the spark of vital piety, until the Rev. Mr. Nelson in 1834 took charge of it as a settled minister. During his ministration it was jointly used by the Episcopalians and Methodists in Christian harmony and good-will. He being succeeded by the Rev. Mr. Ward in 1842, the question of occupancy and right of possession was unhappily agitated, which led to a decision of the Legislature giving to the wardens and vestry of the Episcopal Church the exclusive right to its use and control. Thus it will be seen, for thirty-four years there had been no settled minister of our communion, or its sublime and beautiful service performed, except two or three times by occasional visits. It would afford me great pleasure, could I give you an assurance of being speedily supplied with a worthy minister. I sincerely regret the deserted situation of too many of our parishes, and lament the evils that must ensue. Finding that few persons, natives of this State, were desirous of qualifying themselves for the ministerial office, I have written to some of the Northern States, and have reason to expect several young clergymen who have been liberally educated, of unexceptionable moral character, and who, I flatter myself, will also be generally desirous of establishing an academy for the instruction of youth, wherever they may reside. Should they arrive, or should any other opportunity present itself of recommending a worthy minister, I beg you to be assured, if your advertisement proves unsuccessful, that I shall pay due attention to the application of the worthy trustees of North Farnham. It is, no doubt, well known to you that the failure last May in holding a Convention at the time and place agreed upon was matter of deep regret to every sincere friend of our Church. To prevent, if possible, a similar calamity at the next stated time for holding Conventions, the deputies who met last May requested me to send circular letters to the different parishes, exhorting them to pay a stricter regard to one of the fundamental canons of the Church. I fulfil the duty with alacrity, because the necessity of regular Conventions is urged by considerations as obvious as they are weighty. I need not here enter into a detail of those considerations; but I will ask, at what time was the fostering care of the guardians—nay, of every member—of the Church more necessary than at this period? Who doth not know that indifference to her interests must inevitably inflict a mortal wound, over which the wise and the good may in vain weep, when they behold that wound baffling every effort to arrest its fatal progress? Who doth not know that irreligion and impiety sleep not whilst we slumber? Who doth not know that there are other enemies who laugh at our negligent supineness and deem it their victory? I have been curate of this parish upward of forty years. My own conscience bears me witness, and I trust my parishioners (though many of them have fallen asleep) will also witness, that until age and infirmities disabled me I always, so far as my infirmities would allow, faithfully discharged my duties as a minister of the Gospel. It has given me many hours of anxious concern that the services of the Church should be so long discontinued on my account. The spirit indeed is willing, but the flesh is weak. I therefore entreat the favour of you to provide me a successor as soon as you can, that divine service may be discontinued no longer; and at the end of the year the glebe shall be given up to him by your affectionate servant, I heartily condole with you in your present sickness and indisposition, which your age now every day contracts. God's grace will make you bear it patiently, to your comfort, his glory, and your everlasting salvation. I cannot enough thank you for the present of your choice Bible. The money that you say you had present occasion for I have ordered Mr. Cooper to enlarge, and you will see by his letter that it is doubled. Before I was ten years old, as I am sure you will remember, I looked upon this life here as but going to an inn, and no permanent being. By God's grace I continue the same good thoughts and notions, therefore am always prepared for my dissolution, which I can't be persuaded to prolong by a wish. Now, dear mother, if you should be necessitated for eight or ten pound extraordinary, please to apply to Mr. Cooper, and he upon sight of this letter will furnish it to you." I have your letter by Peter yesterday, and the day before I had one from Mr. Scott, who sent up Gustin Brown on purpose with it. I entirely agree with Mr. Scott in preferring a funeral sermon at Aquia Church, without any invitation to the house. Mr. Moncure's character and general acquaintance will draw together much company, besides a great part of his parishioners, and I am sure you are not in a condition to bear such a scene; and it would be very inconvenient for a number of people to come so far from church in the afternoon after the sermon. As Mr. Moncure did not desire to be buried in any particular place, and as it is usual to bury clergymen in their own churches, I think the corpse being deposited in the church where he had so long preached is both decent and proper, and it is probable, could he have chosen himself, he would have preferred it. Mr. Scott writes to me that it is intended Mr. Green shall preach the funeral sermon on the 20th of this month, if fair; if not, the next fair day; and I shall write to Mr. Green to morrow to that purpose, and inform him that you expect Mrs. Green and him at your house on the day before; and, if God grants me strength sufficient either to ride on horseback or in a chair, I will certainly attend to pay the last duty to the memory of my friend; but I am really so weak at present that I can't walk without crutches and very little with them, and have never been out of the house but once or twice, and then, though I stayed but two or three minutes at a time, it gave me such a cold as greatly to increase my disorder. Mr. Green has lately been very sick, and was not able to attend his church yesterday, (which I did not know when I wrote to Mr. Scott:) if he should not recover soon, so as to be able to come down, I will inform you or Mr. Scott in time, that some other clergyman may be applied to. In reply to your inquiries concerning the Old Potomac Church and its neighbourhood, I give you the following statement, founded in part upon tradition and partly upon my own recollection. My maternal grandfather, John Moncure, a native of Scotland, was the regular minister both of Aquia and Potomac Churches. He was succeeded in the ministry in these churches by a clergyman named Brooke, who removed to the State of Maryland. The Rev. Mr. Buchan succeeded him: he was tutor in my father's family, and educated John Thompson Mason, General Mason, of Georgetown, Judge Nicholas Fitzhugh, and many others. Going back to a period somewhat remote in enumerating those who lived in the vicinity of Potomac Church, I will mention my great-grandfather, Rowleigh Travers, one of the most extensive landed proprietors in that section of the country, and who married Hannah Ball, half-sister of Mary Ball, the mother of General George Washington. From Rowleigh Travers and Hannah Ball descended two daughters, Elizabeth and Sarah Travers: the former married a man named Cooke, and the latter my grandfather, Peter Daniel. To Peter and Sarah Daniel was born an only son,—Travers Daniel, my father,—who married Frances Moncure, my mother, the daughter of the Rev. John Moncure and Frances Brown, daughter of Dr. Gustavus Brown, of Maryland. The nearest and the coterminous neighbour of my father was John Mercer, of Marlborough, a native of Ireland, a distinguished lawyer; the compiler of `Mercer's Abridgment of the Virginia Laws;' the father of Colonel George Mercer, an officer in the British service, and who died in England about the commencement of the Revolution; the father also of Judge James Mercer, father of Charles F. Mercer, of John Francis Mercer, who in my boyhood resided at Marlborough, in Stafford, and was afterward Governor of Maryland; of Robert Mercer, who lived and died in Fredericksburg; of Ann Mercer, who married Samuel Selden, of Selvington, Stafford; of Maria Mercer, who married Richard Brooke, of King William, father of General George M. Brooke; and of another daughter, whose name is not recollected,—the wife of Muscoe Garnett and mother of the late James M. Garnett. As your parish is at present unfurnished with a minister, I recommend to your approbation and choice the Rev. Mr. Scott, who, in my opinion, is a man of discretion, understanding, and integrity, and in every way qualified to discharge the sacred office to your satisfaction. I am your affectionate friend and humble servant, I hope and believe that your parish will be worthily supplied by the Rev. Mr. James Scott. His merit having been long known to you, I need not dwell upon it. That you may be greatly benefited by his good life and doctrine, and mutually happy with each other, and all the souls committed to his charge may be saved, is the daily prayer of, I received yours this morning. My father, Alexander Henderson, came to this country from Scotland in the year 1756, and settled first as a merchant in Colchester. During the Revolutionary War he retired to a farm in Fairfax county to avoid the possibility of falling into the hands of the English, as he had taken a decided part on the side of freedom against the mother-country. About 1787 or 1788 he removed to Dumfries. He died in the latter part of 1815, leaving six sons and four daughters, all grown. John, Alexander, and James emigrated to Western Virginia, and settled as farmers in Wood county. Richard and Thomas were known to you, the former living in Leesburg and the latter for the last twenty years being in the medical department of the army. James and myself are the only surviving sons. Two of my sisters—Mrs. Anne Henderson and Mrs. Margaret Wallace—are still alive. My sisters Jane and Mary died many years ago. The latter married Mr. Inman Horner, of Warrenton. All the members of the family have been, with scarce an exception, steady Episcopalians." You may recollect the conversation we had when I had the pleasure of seeing you at Richmond; that we mutually lamented the declining state of the Church of England in this country, and the pitiable situation of her clergy,—especially those whose circumstances are not sufficiently independent to place them beyond the reach of want. I am satisfied our Church has yet a very great number of powerful friends who are disposed to give it encouragement and support, and who wish to see some plan in agitation for effecting a business so important, and at this time so very necessary. It is (and very justly) matter of astonishment to many, that those whose more immediate duty it is to look to the concerns of their religious society should show so much indifference and indolence as the Church and clergy do, while the leaders of almost every other denomination are labouring with the greatest assiduity to increase their influence, and, by open attacks and subtle machinations, endeavouring to lessen that of every other society,—particularly the Church to which you and I have the honour to belong, in whose destruction they all (Quakers and Methodists excepted) seem to agree perfectly, however they may differ in other points. Against these it behooves us to be cautious. But, unless the clergy act conjointly and agreeably to some well-regulated plan, the ruin of our Church is inevitable without the malevolence of her enemies. Considering her present situation and circumstances,—without ordination, without government, without support, unprotected by the laws, and yet labouring under injurious restrictions from laws which yet exist,—these things considered, her destruction is sure as fate, unless some mode is adopted for her preservation. Her friends, by suffering her to continue in her present state of embarrassment, as effectually work her destruction as her avowed enemies could do by their most successful contrivances. I received your letter, favoured by Mr. Fairfax, which reminded me of a conversation which passed between us respecting the low state of the Church whereof we are members, and in which you make inquiry whether any thing has been attempted by any of its clergy to raise it from its distressed situation, and inform me that reflections have been thrown out against them for their remissness and want of zeal in an affair of so much consequence. In order to remedy these evils, you propose a plan for convening the clergy in the month of April next, to the end that some form of ecclesiastical government might be established, particularly a mode of ordination; and that an application might be made to the Assembly for redress of grievances and a legal support. I hasten to give you an imperfect account of the history of the Church in this neighbourhood; and, as there are no records to refer to, I shall have to rely on an imperfect memory. Morris Hudson, Elizabeth his wife, and their six children, nearly all married, removed to this neighbourhood from Botetourt county, Virginia, in 1797, and were probably the first Episcopalians that settled in this neighbourhood. They were both communicants of the Church. They came to Virginia originally from Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, and were members of Bangor Church,—an old church erected before the Revolution. They removed to Botetourt county, in this State, during Bishop Madison's time. The old patriarch, then in his eightieth year, (being uncertain whether he had been confirmed in childhood,) received the rite of Confirmation at your hands, on your first visit to this county, together with several of his children. Some of their descendants still continue true to the faith of their fathers, whilst others have wandered into other folds. The next Episcopalians who settled here were my father's family, with whose history you are well acquainted. They removed here in 1817. My father died in 1837, in the seventieth year of his age. My mother died the 8th of March, 1852, in the seventy-fifth year of her age. I have received your circular asking communications on the important subject submitted to your consideration, and offer the following suggestions as coming within the terms of your commission:— You will find in the enclosed the reason I have for writing it, and will, I doubt not, agree in opinion with me that it cannot but be useful to put the clergy under you in mind of their duty, even if there should be no failing, much more if there be any. I therefore desire you to communicate this letter to them, and to use all proper means to redress any deviations from our rules, considering that both you and I are to be answerable if we neglect our duty in that part. It is always a joy to me to hear of the good success of your ministerial labours, and no less a grief to hear of any defaults and irregularities among you; to which disadvantageous reports I am not forward to give credit, finding that wrong representations are frequently made. Some occasions have been given to apprehend, there may have been faults and miscarriages in the life and conversation of some among you, which I trust are corrected; and that the grace of God, and a sense of duty you owe to Him, his Church, and to yourselves, will so rule in your hearts, as that I shall no more hear any thing to the disadvantage of any of you upon that head. Nevertheless, I cannot but give you notice, that I have information of some irregularities, which, if practised, will need very much to be redressed; and I cannot but hope, if such things there be, you will not be unwilling to do your part, as I think it a duty to do mine by this advisement. You are now come hither at your Commissary's desire, that he might have the easier opportunity to communicate to you a letter from your Right Reverend Diocesan. And seeing his Lordship has been pleased to make mention of me in that letter, taking notice that I have instructions to act in reference to institutions and inductions, and that he must leave to my inquiry whether any ministers be settled among you who have not license from him or his predecessor, and as his Lordship seems to rely on my care as well as yours, that none may be suffered to officiate in the public worship of God, or perform any ministerial offices of religion, but such only as are Episcopally ordained, I ought not to be silent on this occasion, and thereupon must remark to you, that the very person whom his Lordship expects should use all fitting earnestness in pressing the observations of these things is he whom I take to be the least observer thereof himself. For none more eminently than Mr. Commissary Blair sets at naught those instructions which your Diocesan leaves you to be guided by, with respect to institutions and inductions; he denying by his practice as well as discourses that the King's Government has the right to collate ministers to ecclesiastical benefices within this Colony; for, when the church which he now supplies became void by the death of the former incumbent, his solicitation for the same was solely to the vestry, without his ever making the least application to me for my collation, notwithstanding it was my own parish church; and I cannot but complain of his deserting the cause of the Church in general, and striving to put it on such a foot as must deprive the clergy of that reasonable security which, I think, they ought to have with regard to their livings. Though the hurry of public business, wherein I was engaged, did not allow me time immediately to answer your letter of the 1st of August, yet I told Mr. Short on his going hence, on the 5th of that month, that you might expect my answer in a few days; and if he has done me justice he has informed you that I advised your forbearing, in the mean time, to run too rashly into the measures I perceived you were inclining to; assuring him my intentions are to make you easy, if possible, in relation to your minister. But, whether that advice was imparted to you or not, it is plain, by your proceedings of the 8th of the same month, that you resolved not to accept of it, seeing you immediately discarded Mr. Bagge and sent down Mr. Rainsford with a pretended presentation of induction. As soon as that came into my hands, I observed it expressly contrary to a late opinion of the Council, whereby it is declared that the right of supplying vacant benefices is claimed by the King, and by his Majesty's commission given to the Governor; and for that reason I let Mr. Rainsford know that before I could admit of such a presentation it was necessary for me to have likewise the advice of the Council thereon. But, not content to wait their resolution, I understand you have taken upon you the power of induction, as well as that of presentation, by giving Mr. Rainsford possession of the pulpit, and excluding the person I appointed to officiate. I have, according to my promise, taken the advice of my Council upon your pretended presentation, and here send it enclosed, by which you will find that the Board is clearly of opinion that I should not receive such presentation: so that if you are the patrons (as you suppose) you may as soon as you please bring a "quare impedit" to try your title; and then it will appear whether the King's clerk or yours has the most rightful possession of this church. In the mean time I think it necessary to forewarn you to be cautious how you dispose of the profits of your parish, lest you pay it in your own wrong. May it please your Honour, should we, the clergy of his Majesty's Province of Virginia assembled in Convention, (who have, with the utmost indignation and resentment, heard your Honour affronted and abused by a few prejudiced men,) be silent upon this occasion, we should appear ungrateful in both capacities as ministers and subjects. Therefore, with Vol. II.—26 grateful hearts we now express our deep sense of your just and wise government,—a government that has raised this Colony to a flourishing condition by exercising over it no other authority but that wherein its happiness and liberty consist, and which nothing but the groundless suspicions and unreasonable jealousies of the eager and violent can render liable to exception. Your Honour is happy to us rather than to yourself, in that you are perpetually toiling for the public, constantly doing good to many, whilst you do injury to none. Mr. Selater and Mr. Smith being absent when the House was called over, Mr. Bagge moved that no member should be allowed to be absent from the Convention without leave, which was seconded and ordered. The members of the Convention having desired Mr. Commissary to sign the said letter and representation, he refused the same. Ordered it be entered accordingly. Mr. Hugh Jones moved that the members of the Convention sign the said letter and representation. As in my letter for calling you together at this time I acquainted you that it was in pursuance of the directions of our Right Reverend Diocesan, my Lord-Bishop of London, I shall first read to you his Lordship's letter about it to myself, and his letter to the clergy of this country, which he has desired me to communicate to you; and then I shall (as I find my Lord expects of me) endeavour to resume the particulars and press the observation of them with all fitting earnestness. Mr. Emanuel Jones delivered in the address to the Governor, which, being read and examined paragraph by paragraph, passed without amendment. May it please your Honour, it is with no small concern we humbly represent to your Honour that we could not join with the rest of our brethren in one uniform address, being unwilling to determine between persons and things which, as we apprehend, were not properly under our cognizance nor within our province. Nevertheless, we think it our duty to return our most hearty thanks for the continuance of your Honour's protection to the Church and clergy of this country. We have no doubt of your Honour's ready concurrence in any present methods that can be offered for our support and encouragement. And seeing your Honour is well apprized of all our circumstances, without any further information from us, we desire to leave it with yourself to consider of the best ways and means to remedy what wants redress in the precariousness of our circumstances, whether by execution of the laws in being, or the contrivance of new ones, to answer better the circumstances of the Church and clergy and people of this country as in your wisdom you shall think fit. There is nothing to be remarked upon this day's proceedings but that some objections were made to a few things in the clergy's answer to my Lord of London's letter, upon the amendment of which all the clergy declared their readiness to sign it. These objections were,—1st. The slur it casts upon Mr. Commissary's ordination. 2d The unfair representation, or insinuation, at least, as if some of the Council, and particularly Mr. Commissary, obstructed the Governor's acting in favour of the clergy in the point of institutions and inductions. It is true they do not take it upon themselves to say this, but lay it upon the Governor, and say that he imputes the opposition "he meets with in this affair to some of the Council, and particularly to Mr. Commissary, whom he also accuses of some other irregularities, as your Lordship, by his Honour's letter to us and another to the vestry of the parish of St. Anne's, may perceive, both which, together with Mr. Commissary's answer, we doubt not your Lordship will receive, and in which we most humbly and earnestly pray your Lordship to interpose your Lordship's advice and assistance." Though this was the least they could do without directly incurring the Governor's displeasure, there were several who said they knew the Council and the Commissary had been such constant friends to the clergy that they would have no hand in putting this slight upon them, as if they opposed their institutions and inductions. 3d. That it lays the blame upon our laws that we are obliged to baptize, church women, marry, and bury, at private houses, &c., whereas it is not by our laws these things are occasioned, but partly by our precariousness, (the Governor never making use of the lapse,) and partly by the exceeding largeness of the parishes and other inconvenient circumstances of the country. "The memorial of the Presbytery of Hanover humbly represents, That your memorialists are governed by the same sentiments which inspire the United States of America, and are determined that nothing in our power and influence shall be wanting to give success to their common cause. We would also represent that the dissenters from the Church of England in this country have ever been desirous to conduct themselves as peaceable members of the civil government, for which reason they have hitherto submitted to several ecclesiastic burdens and restrictions that are inconsistent with equal liberty. But now, when the many and grievous oppressions of our mother-country have laid this continent under the necessity of casting off the yoke of tyranny and of forming independent governments upon equitable and liberal foundations, we flatter ourselves that we shall be freed from all the encumbrances which a spirit of domination, prejudice, or bigotry hath interwoven with most other political systems. This we are the more strongly encouraged to expect by the Declaration of Rights, so universally applauded for that dignity, firmness, and precision with which it delineates and asserts the privileges of society and the prerogatives of human nature, and which we embrace as the magna charta of our Commonwealth, that can never be violated without endangering the grand superstructure it was destined to sustain. Therefore we rely upon this Declaration, as well as the justice of our honourable Legislature, to secure us the free exercise of religion according to the dictates of our consciences; and we should fall short in our duty to ourselves and the many and numerous congregations under our care were we upon this occasion to neglect laying before you a statement of the religious grievances under which we have hitherto laboured, that they no longer may be continued in our present form of government. The name of Ellis appears at an early day in connection with the Colony of Virginia. David Ellis came out in the second supply of emigrants from England, and was one of the men sent by Captain Smith to build a house for King Powhatan at his favourite seat, Werowocomico, on York River. John Ellis was one of the grantees in the second charter of the Virginia Company. I fear that I shall be able to communicate very little in regard to the church on Pedlar. Your uncle Richard was one of the old-school, true Virginia gentlemen,—hospitable, unaffected, polite, courteous,—and as regardful of the rights and feelings of a servant as he was of the most favoured and distinguished that visited his house I had not been in his house five minutes before I felt it to be what he and his delightful family ever afterward made it to me,—a home. I, however, experienced at their hands only what every clergyman of our Church who has been connected with the parish experienced. To my verie deere and loving cosen M. G. Minister of the B. F. in London. In replying to your letter from Tappahannock, I am sorry to have to say to you that I am in possession of no papers that can be useful to you in your notices relative to the Church, &c. in Virginia. I have always understood that my ancestors were attached to the Protestant Episcopal Church from their first settlement in this new world. They were all well-educated men, and all business-men, generally filling public offices down to the Revolution. It is highly probable my grandfather— who died in April, 1800, and who, I was told, was a regular attendant at and supporter of the church of which Parson Matthews was the pastor— did leave papers that might have been useful to you. But in the division of his estate his library and papers not on business were divided out among his many sons, and, no doubt, like the other property left them, scattered to the four winds. My uncle, Carter Beverley, qualified first as his executor, and so took all papers on business—and, it is probable, many others—to his home in Staunton, and, he told me, lost every thing of the kind by the burning up of his house. I send you the inscription on the stone of the old Commissary in as perfect condition as I could procure it. I also send a translation, filling the blanks and chasms with my own knowledge of the events of the Commissary's life. If you look critically at the Latin and at my paraphrase, you will perceive that I have rarely missed the mark. One thing it is proper to say. In the line "Evangeli—Preconis" there may be a mistake of the transcriber. If the word "Preconis" be correct, then it is figurative, and means to compare the Commissary with John the Baptist. But I think the word "Preconis" is wrong, and was written "Diaconi," "Deacon," as the number of years shows that it was in his combined character of Evangelist, Deacon, and Priest, to which allusion is made; that is, to his whole ministerial services, which were precisely fifty-eight years. You will doubtless be not a little surprised at receiving a letter from an individual whose name may possibly never have reached you; but an accidental circumstance has given me the extreme pleasure of introducing myself to your notice. In a conversation with the Rev. Dr. Berrian a few days since, he informed me that he had lately paid a visit to Mount Vernon, and that Mrs. Washington had expressed a wish to have a doubt removed from her mind, which had long oppressed her, as to the certainty of the General's having attended the Communion while residing in the city of New York subsequent to the Revolution. As nearly all the remnants of those days are now sleeping with their fathers, it is not very probable that at this late day an individual can be found who could satisfy this pious wish of your virtuous heart, except the writer. It was my great good fortune to have attended St. Paul's Church in this city with the General during the whole period of his residence in New York as President of the United States. The pew of Chief-Justice Morris was situated next to that of the President, close to whom I constantly sat in Judge Morris's pew, and I am as confident as a memory now labouring under the pressure of fourscore years and seven can make me, that the President had more than once—I believe I may say often—attended at the sacramental table, at which I had the privilege and happiness to kneel with him. And I am aided in my associations by my elder daughter, who distinctly recollects her grandmamma—Mrs. Morris—often mention that fact with great pleasure. Indeed, I am further confirmed in my assurance by the perfect recollection of the President's uniform deportment during divine service in church. The steady seriousness of his manner, the solemn, audible, but subdued tone of voice in which he read and repeated the responses, the Christian humility which overspread and adorned the native dignity of the saviour of his country, at once exhibited him a pattern to all who had the honour of access to him. It was my good fortune, my dear madam, to have had frequent intercourse with him. It is my pride and boast to have seen him in various situations,—in the flush of victory, in the field and in the tent,—in the church and at the altar, always himself, ever the same. When (some weeks ago) I had the pleasure of seeing you in Alexandria, and in our conversation the subject of the religious opinions and character of General Washington was spoken of, I repeated to you the substance of what I had heard from the late General Robert Porterfield, of Augusta, and which at your request I promised to reduce to writing at some leisure moment and send to you. I proceed now to redeem the promise. Some short time before the death of General Porterfield, I made him a visit and spent a night at his house. He related many interesting facts that had occurred within his own observation in the war of the Revolution, particularly in the Jersey campaign and the encampment of the army at Valley Forge. He said that his official duty (being brigade-inspector) frequently brought him in contact with General Washington. Upon one occasion, some emergency (which he mentioned) induced him to dispense with the usual formality, and he went directly to General Washington's apartment, where he found him on his knees, engaged in his morning's devotions. He said that he mentioned the circumstance to General Hamilton, who replied that such was his constant habit. I remarked that I had lately heard Mr. — say, on the authority of Mr. —, that General Washington was subject to violent fits of passion, and that he then swore terribly. General Porterfield said the charge was false; that he had known General Washington personally for many years, had frequently been in his presence under very exciting circumstances, and had never heard him swear an oath, or in any way to profane the name of God. "Tell Mr. — from me," said he, "that he had much better be reading his Bible than repeating such slanders on the character of General Washington. General Washington," said he, "was a pious man, and a member of your Church, [the Episcopal.] I saw him myself on his knees receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in — Church, in Philadelphia." He specified the time and place. My impression is that Christ Church was the place, and Bishop White, as he afterward was, the minister. This is, to the best of my recollection, an accurate statement of what I heard from General Porterfield on the subject.
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2Author:  Meade William 1789-1862Add
 Title:  Old churches, ministers and families of Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: [From the Protestant Episcopal Quarterly Review.] † When your leasure shall best serve you to peruse these lines, I trust in God the beginning will not strike you into greater admiration than the end will give you good content. It is a matter of no small moment, concerning my own particular, which here I impart unto you, and which toucheth me so nearly as the tenderness of my salvation. Howbeit, I freely subject myself to your great and mature judgment, deliberation, approbation, and determination; assuring myself of your zealous admonition and godly comforts, either persuading me to desist, or encouraging me to persist therein, with a religious fear and godly care, for which (from the very instant that this began to roote itself within the secrete bosome of my breast) my daily and earnest praiers have bin, still are, and ever shall bee poored forthwith, in as sincere a goodly zeal as I possibly may, to be directed, aided, and governed in all my thoughts, words, and deedes, to the glory of God and for my eternal consolation; to persevere wherein I had never had more neede, nor (till now) could ever imagine to have bin moved with the like occasion. But (my case standing as it doth) what better worldly refuge can I here seeke, than to shelter myself under the safety of your favourable protection? And did not my case proceede from an unspotted conscience, I should not dare to offer to your view and approved judgment these passions of my troubled soule; so full of feare and trembling is hypocrisie and dissimulation. But, knowing my own innocency and godly fervour in the whole prosecution hereof, I doubt not of your benigne acceptance and clement construction. As for malicious depravers and turbulent spirits, to whom nothing is tasteful but what pleaseth their unsavoury pallate, I passe not for them, being well assured in my persuasion by the often trial and proving of myselfe in my holiest meditations and praises, that I am called hereunto by the Spirit of God; and it shall be sufficient for me to be protected by yourselfe in all virtuous and pious endeavours. And for my more happy proceedings herein, my daily oblations shall ever be addressed to bring to passe to goode effects, that yourselfe and all the world may truly say, `This is the worke of God, and it is marvellous in our eies.' As neither nature nor custom ever made me a man of compliment, so now I shall have less will than ever for to use such ceremonies, when I have left with Martha to be solicitus circa multa, and believe with Mary unum sufficit. But it is no compliment or ceremony, but a real and necessary duty that one friend oweth to another in absence, and especially at their leave-taking, when, in man's reason, many accidents may keep them long divided, or perhaps bar them ever meeting till they meet in another world; for then shall I think that my friend, whose honour, whose person, and whose fortune is dear unto me, shall prosper and be happy wherever he goes, and whatever he takes in hand, when he is in the favour of that God under whose protection there is only safety, and in whose service there is only true happiness to be found. What I think of your natural gifts or ability, in this age or in this State, to give glory to God and to win honour to yourself, if you employ the talents you have received to their best use, I will not now tell you; it sufficeth that when I was farthest of all times from dissembling I spake truly and have witness enough. But these things only I will put your lordship in mind of. I understand that upon my former recommendation to you of Mr. Samuel Eburne, you have received him, and he hath continued to exercise his ministerial functions in preaching and performing divine service. I have now to recommend him a second time to you, with the addition of my own experience of his ability and true qualification in all points, together with his exemplary life and conversation. And therefore, holding of him in esteem, as a person who, to God's honour and your good instruction, is fit to be received, I do desire he may be by you entertained and continued, and that you will give him such encouragement as you have formerly done to persons so qualified. I congratulate you on the honour your county has done you in choosing you their representative with so large a vote. I hope you are come into the Assembly without those trammels which some people submit to wear for a seat in the House,—I mean, unbound by promises to perform this or that job which the many-headed monster may think proper to chalk out for you; especially that you have not engaged to lend a last hand to pulling down the church, which, by some impertinent questions in the last paper, I suspect will be attempted. Never, my dear Wilson, let me hear that by that sacrilegious act you have furnished yourself with materials to erect a scaffold by which you may climb to the summit of popularity; rather remain in the lowest obscurity: though, I think, from long observation, I can venture to assert that the man of integrity, who observes one equal tenor in his conduct,—who deviates neither to the one side or the other from the proper line,—has more of the confidence of the people than the very compliant time-server, who calls himself the servant—and, indeed, is the slave—of the people. I flatter myself, too, you will act on a more liberal plan than some members have done in matters in which the honour and interest of this State are concerned; that you will not, to save a few pence to your constituents, discourage the progress of arts and sciences, nor pay with so scanty a hand persons who are eminent in either. This parsimonious plan, of late adopted, will throw us behind the other States in all valuable improvements, and chill, like a frost, the spring of learning and spirit of enterprise. I have insensibly extended what I had to say beyond my first design, but will not quit the subject without giving you a hint, from a very good friend of yours, that your weight in the House will be much greater if you do not take up the attention of the Assembly on trifling matters nor too often demand a hearing. To this I must add a hint of my own, that temper and decorum is of infinite advantage to a public speaker, and a modest diffidence to a young man just entering the stage of life: the neglect of the former throws him off his guard, breaks his chain of reasoning, and has often produced in England duels that have terminated fatally. The natural effect of the latter will ever be procuring a favourable and patient hearing, and all those advantages that a prepossession in favour of the speaker produces. Yours dated the 30th of January, asking for some information relative to Temple Farm, near Yorktown, which, according to history, was once the residence of Governor Spottswood, and the house in which Lord Cornwallis signed the capitulation, was received a few days ago. I have read with deep and filial interest your reminiscenses published in the Southern Churchman, and I send you a memorandum, hastily made from recollection. I have no disposition to have my name appear in print, but if you have not already all the information that you may desire in regard to Elizabeth City parish and the old church at Hampton, you may use such parts of the following memorandum as may suit you:— Having been at this place during the present month, your letter of the 16th has only just reached me. Nothing was published after my dear and distinguished brother's death, except the poem of `Yamoyden, a Tale of the Wars of King Philip,' which he composed in company with his friend, Robert C. Sands, and which the latter edited. I can only say, in a few words, that he was ordained by Bishop Hobart at the Diocesan Convention of New York, in October, 1818; commenced his ministry in Accomac county almost immediately; and, after a short but truly glorious ministry of about eight months, (during which, as I heard him say, he thought he had been the instrument of the conversion of seventeen persons,) returned, broken in health, to New York, and expired in December, 1819, on his passage to St. Croix, W. I., to which island, in company with his mother and myself, he was proceeding for the benefit of his health. He had just reached the age of twenty-two years; but he was mature in mind, accomplished in attainments both of ancient and modern learning, and one of the most "burning lights" in the Church of God I ever knew. I think he left an impression in Accomac which is not yet effaced. Being employed by Colonel Spottswood, our Governor, to instruct the Indian children at this settlement, I thought it my duty to address your lordship with this, in which I humbly beg leave to inform you what progress I have made in carrying on this charitable design of our excellent Governor. Should I presume to give an account of the kind reception I met with at my arrival here from the Indian Queen, the great men, and, indeed, from all the Indians, with a constant continuance of their kindness and respect, and of the great sense they have of the good that is designed them by the Governor in sending me to live with them to teach their children, as also at the great expense he has been at, and the many fatigues he has undergone by travelling hither in the heat of summer, as well as in the midst of winter, to the great hazard of his health, to encourage and promote this most pious undertaking, I should far exceed the bounds of a letter, and intrude too much on your lordship's time. I shall, therefore, decline this, and humbly represent to your lordship what improvements the pagan children have made in the knowledge of the Christian religion, which I promise myself can't but be very acceptable to you, a pious Christian Bishop. We have here a very handsome school-house, built at the charge of the Indian Company, in which are at present taught seventy Indian children; and many others from the Western Indians, who live more than four hundred miles from hence, will be brought hither in the spring to be put under my care, in order to be instructed in the religion of the Holy Jesus. The greatest number of my scholars can say the Belief, the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments, perfectly well; they know that there is but one God, and they are able to tell me how many persons there are in the Godhead, and what each of those blessed Persons have done for them. They know how many sacraments Christ hath ordained in his Church, and for what end he instituted them; they behave themselves reverently at our daily prayers, and can make their responses, which was no little pleasure to their great and good benefactor, the Governor, as also to the Rev. Mr. John Cargill, Mr. Attorney-General, and many other gentlemen who attended him in his progress hither. Thus, my lord, hath the Governor (notwithstanding the many difficulties he laboured under) happily laid the foundation of this great and good work of civilizing and converting these poor Indians, who, although they have lived many years among the professors of the best and most holy religion in the world, yet so little care has been taken to instruct them therein, that they still remain strangers to the covenant of grace, and have not improved in any thing by their conversing with Christians, excepting in vices to which before they were strangers, which is a very sad and melancholy reflection. But that God may crown with success this present undertaking, that thereby his Kingdom may be enlarged by the sincere conversion of these poor heathen, I humbly recommend both it and myself to your lordship's prayers, and beg leave to subscribe myself, with great duty, my lord, your lordship's "It is a great satisfaction to me that I can now recommend to your parish, which has been so long without a minister so good a man as the bearer hereof, the Rev. Mr. Gammill, whose good life and conversation will be very agreeable to you, as it is to, gentlemen, My letters to your brother Mann and your sisters will inform you how and when I arrived here. I will tell you then what I have not told them, and what you, a young traveller, ought to know. This town is not half so large as Philadelphia, nor in any manner to be compared to it for beauty and elegance. Philadelphia, I am well assured, has more inhabitants than Boston and New York together. The streets here are badly paved, very dirty, and narrow as well as crooked, and filled up with a strange variety of wooden, stone, and brick buildings, and full of hogs and mud. The College, St. Paul's Church, and the Hospital are elegant buildings. The Federal Hall also, in which Congress is to sit, is elegant. What is very remarkable here is, that there is but one well of water which furnishes the inhabitants with drink, so that water is bought here by every one that drinks it, except the owner of this well. Four carts are continually going about selling it at three gallons for a copper; that is, a penny for every three gallons of water. The other wells and pumps serve for washing, and nothing else.* *In another letter he says that he was mistaken—that there were several good wells. I have not time to say more about this place and the other towns through which I passed, but will by some other opportunity write you whatever may be worth your knowing. You must show this to Frank. Give my love to him, and tell him I will write to him and Judy next. Kiss her for me, and be a good boy, my dear. Give my love to your brothers and sisters and to your cousin Mat and Nat. Tell Beck [a maid-servant] that Sharp [the servant that went with him] is well, and sends his love to her, [his wife, I suppose.] That God Almighty may bless you all, my dear, is the fervent prayer of your affectionate father, The love I bear my God, my King, and my Church, hath so often emboldened me in the worst of extreme dangers, that now honesty doth constrain me to presume thus far beyond myself, to present to your Majesty this short discourse. If ingratitude be a deadly poison to all honest virtues, I must be guilty of that crime if I should omit any means to be thankful. So it was, that about ten years ago, being in Virginia, and being taken prisoner by the power of Powhatan, their chief king, I received from this great savage exceeding great courtesy,—especially from his son, Nantiquaus, the manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I ever saw in a savage, and his sister Pocahontas, the king's most dear and beloved daughter, being but a child of twelve or thirteen years of age, whose compassionate, pitiful heart of my desperate estate gave me much cause to respect her. I being the first Christian this proud king and his grim attendants ever saw, and thus enthralled in their power, I cannot say I felt the least occasion of want that was in the power of those, my mortal foes, to prevent, notwithstanding all their threats. After some six weeks' fattening among these savage courtiers, at the minute of my execution she hazarded the beating out of her own brains to save mine; and not only that, but so prevailed with her father that I was safely conducted to Jamestown, where I found about eight-and-thirty miserable, poor, and sick creatures to keep possession of all those large territories in Virginia. Such was the weakness of this poor Commonwealth, as had not the savages fed us, we directly had starved. And this relief, most gracious Queen, was commonly brought us by the Lady Pocahontas. "The humble petition of the vestry held for Christ Church parish the 7th day of May, 1722, showeth that this vestry, taking into consideration the great satisfaction given to this parish for about eighteen years, and the general good character of our minister, Mr. Bartholomew Yates, which we are apprehensive has induced some other parishes to entertain thoughts of endeavouring to prevail with him to quit this parish for some of those more convenient, humbly pray they may be enabled to make use of such measures as may be proper and reasonable to secure so great a good to the parish. I do hereby, in his Majesty's name, will and require you to acquaint the minister or ministers within your county, that (God willing) they do not fail of meeting me here on Wednesday, being the 10th of April next, and that they bring with them their Priests' and Deacons' Orders, as likewise the Rt. Rev. the Father in God, the Lord-Bishop of London his license for their preaching, or whatever license they have, and withall a copy out of the vestry-books of the agreement they have made with the parish or parishes where they officiate. If there be any parish or parishes within your county who have no minister, I do hereby, in his Majesty's name, command that the vestry of said parish or parishes do, by the said 10th of April, return me an account how long they have been without a minister, and the reason thereof, as also if they have any person that reads the Common Prayer on Sundays and at their church. This account must be signed by them, and they may send it by the minister who lives next to them. So, not doubting of your compliances therein, I remain your loving friend, "Gentlemen:—I'm not a little surprised at the sight of an order of yours, wherein you take upon you to suspend from his office a clergyman who, for near sixteen years, has served as your minister, and that without assigning any manner of reason for your so doing. I look upon it that the British subjects in these Plantations ought to conform to the Constitution of their mother-country in all cases wherein the laws of the several Colonies have not otherwise decided; and, as no vestry in England ever pretended to set themselves up as judges over their ministers, so I know no law of this country that has given such authority to the vestry here. If a clergyman transgresses against the canons of the Church, he is to be tried before a proper judicature; and though in this country there be no Bishops to apply to, yet there is the substitute of the Bishop, who is your diocesan, and who can take cognizance of the offences of the clergy; and I cannot believe there is any vestry here so ignorant but to know that the Governor, for the time-being, has the honour to be intrusted with the power of collating to all benefits, and ought, in reason, to be made acquainted with the crime which unqualifies a clergyman from holding a benefice of which he is once legally possessed. In case of the misbehaviour of your minister, you may be his accusers, but in no case his judges; but much less are you empowered to turn him out without showing any cause. But your churchwardens, ordering the church to be shut up, and thereby taking upon them to lay the parish under an interdict, is such an exorbitant act of power, that even the Pope of Rome never pretended to a greater; and if your churchwardens persist in it, they will find themselves involved in greater troubles than they are aware of. I have read with deep interest your account of many of the old churches and families of Virginia. Having just risen from the perusal of that on York-Hampton parish, it seems to me that you have not given all the credit it deserves to the character of the Rev. Samuel Shield. "Right Rev. Father in God:—I received your Lordship's blessing in May, 1735, and by bad weather we were obliged to go up to Maryland, and from thence five weeks after I came to Williamsburg, and was kindly received by our Governor and Mr. Commissary Blair. I got immediately a parish, which I served nine months; but hearing that a frontier-parish was vacant, and that the people of the mountains had never seen a clergyman since they were settled there, I desired the Governor's consent to leave an easy parish for this I do now serve. I have three churches, twenty-three and twenty-four miles from the glebe, in which I officiate every third Sunday; and, besides these three, I have seven places of service up in the mountains, where the clerks read prayers,—four clerks in the seven places. I go twice a year to preach in twelve places, which I reckon better than four hundred miles backward and forward, and ford nineteen times the North and South Rivers. I have taken four trips already, and the 20th instant I go up again. In my first journey I baptized white people, 209; blacks, 172; Quakers, 15; Anabaptists, 2; and of the white people there were baptized from twenty to twenty-five years of age, 4; from twelve to twenty, 35; and from eight to twelve, 189. I found, on my first coming into the parish, but six persons that received the Sacrament, which my predecessors never administered but in the lower church; and, blessed be God, I have now one hundred and thirty-six that receive twice a year, and in the lower part three times a year, which fills my heart with joy, and makes all my pains and fatigues very agreeable to me. I struggle with many difficulties with Quakers, who are countenanced by high-minded men, but I wrestle with wickedness in high places, and the Lord gives me utterance to speak boldly as I ought to speak. I find that my strength faileth me; but I hope the Lord will be my strength and helper, that I may fight the good fight and finish my course in the ministry which is given me to fulfil the word of God.
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3Author:  Charlottesville (Va.)Add
 Title:  The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1965  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, approved March 28, 1946 (Acts 1946, c. 384, p. 729), and all acts amendatory thereof.1 1.Section 2, c. 384, Acts 1946, repealed c. 1012, Acts 1899-1900, cc. 109 and 411, Acts 1922, and all acts amendatory of such chapters.The Charter has been amended extensively since its adoption in 1946. The amendatory acts are cited in parentheses following the sections which they amend.Most of the catchlines, in boldface type, are those which appear in c. 384, Acts 1946, but changes have been made in some instances to more accurately reflect the contents of the section and to facilitate cross referencing and indexing. The capitalization and style have been changed to conform to the remainder of the publication and obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
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4Author:  Charlottesville (Va.)Add
 Title:  The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Virginia, That an act of the General Assembly of Virginia, in force March 3, 1900, entitled "An act to provide a new charter for the city of Charlottesville, and to repeal all acts inconsistent therewith," be amended and re-enacted so as to read as follows:
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5Author:  Charlottesville (Va.)Add
 Title:  The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Whereas, there has been no general revision of the ordinances of the City of Charlottesville since 1909 and
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6Author:  Clemons Harry 1879-1968Add
 Title:  A survey of research materials in Virginia libraries, 1936-37  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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7Author:  Allston Washington 1779-1843Add
 Title:  Monaldi  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Among the students of a seminary at Bologna were two friends, more remarkable for their attachment to each other, than for any resemblance in their minds or dispositions. Indeed there was so little else in common between them, that hardly two boys could be found more unlike. The character of Maldura, the eldest, was bold, grasping, and ostentatious; while that of Monaldi, timid and gentle, seemed to shrink from observation. The one, proud and impatient, was ever laboring for distinction; the world, palpable, visible, audible, was his idol; he lived only in externals, and could neither act nor feel but for effect; even his secret reveries having an outward direction, as if he could not think without a view to praise, and anxiously referring to the opinion of others; in short, his nightly and his daily dreams had but one subject — the talk and the eye of the crowd. The other, silent and meditative, seldom looked out of himself either for applause or enjoyment; if he ever did so, it was only that he might add to, or sympathize in the triumph of another; this done, he retired again, as it were to a world of his own, where thoughts and feelings, filling the place of men and things, could always supply him with occupation and amusement.
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8Author:  Bacon Delia Salter 1811-1859Add
 Title:  The Bride of Fort Edward  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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9Author:  Belknap Jeremy 1744-1798Add
 Title:  The Foresters  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: To perform the promise which I made to you before I began my journey, I will give you such an account of this, once forest, but now cultivated and pleasant country, as I can collect from my conversation with its inhabitants, and from the perusal of their old family papers, which they have kindly permitted me to look into for my entertainment. By these means I have acquainted myself with the story of their first planting, consequent improvements and present state; the recital of which will occupy the hours which I shall be able to spare from business, company and sleep, during my residence among them.
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10Author:  Bennett Emerson 1822-1905Add
 Title:  The Bandits of the Osage  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: “`My dear son, God be with you! I am dying, and can never see you again on earth, but will in the land of spirits. My strength is failing—I have but a few minutes to live, and will devote them to you. You have often questioned me of your father. I have delayed answering you,—but the time has now come when it is necessary you should know all. God give me strength to pen, and you to read the secret of my life!—and Ronald, dear Ronald, whatever you do, do not reproach, do not curse my memory! I shall enter but little into detail, for time and strength will not permit. At the age of twelve I was left an orphan, and was taken in charge of some distant relatives of my mother, with whom I lived in easy circumstances, until the age of sixteen. They were not wealthy, and yet had enough wherewithal to live independent. They treated me with much affection, and life passed pleasantly for four years. At the age of sixteen, I accidentally became acquainted with Walter Langdon, only son of Sir Edgar Langdon, whose large estate and residence—for he was very wealthy— was but a few miles distant. He found opportunity and declared his attachment, but at the same time informed me that our relations on either side would be opposed to our union, and begged me to make no mention of it, but to prepare myself and elope with him; that when the ceremony was over, and no alternative, all parties would become reconciled. He was young, handsome, and accomplished—his powers of conversation brilliant. He plead with a warmth of passion I could not withstand—for know, Ronald, I loved him, with the ardent first love of a girl of sixteen, and I consented. Alas! Ronald, that I am forced to tell you more: this rash act was my ruin!
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11Author:  Bennett Emerson 1822-1905Add
 Title:  The Renegade  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: That portion of territory known throughout Christendom as Kentucky, was, at an early period, the theatre of some of the wildest tragedies, most hardy contested and bloody scenes ever placed on record. In fact its very name, derived from the Indian word Kan-tuck-kee, and which was applied to it long before its discovery by the whites, is peculiarly significant in meaning—being no less than “the dark and bloody ground.” History makes no mention of its being inhabited prior to its settlement by the present race, but rather serves to aid us in the inference, that from time immemorial it was used as a “neutral ground,” whereon the different savage tribes were wont to meet in deadly strife; and hence the portentious name by which it was known among them. But notwithstanding its ominous title, Kentucky, when first beheld by the white hunter, presented all the attractions he would have envied in Paradise itself. The climate was congenial to his feelings— the country was devoid of savages—while its thick tangles of green cane— abounding with deer, elk, bears, buffaloes, panthers, wolves and wild cats, and its more open woods with pheasant, turkey and partridges—made it the full realization of his hopes—his longings. What more could he ask? And when he again stood among his friends, beyond the Alleghanies, is it to be wondered at that his excited feelings, aided by distance, should lead him to describe it as the El Dorado of the world? Such indeed he did describe it; and to such glowing descriptions, Kentucky is doubtless partially indebted for her settlement so much in advance of the surrounding territory. “Dear Son:—If in the land of the living, return as speedily as possible to your afflicted and anxious parents, who are even now mourning you as dead. You can return in safety; for your cousin, whom you supposed you had fatally wounded, recovered therefrom, and publicly exonerated you from all blame in the matter. He is now, however, no more—having died of late with the scarlet fever. Elvira, his wife, is also dead. She died insane. As a partial restitution for the injury done you, your cousin has made you heir by will, to all his property, real estate and personal, amounting, it is said, to over twenty thousand dollars. Your mother is in feeble health, caused by anxiety on your account. For further information, inquire of the messenger who will bear you this.
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12Author:  Bennett Emerson 1822-1905Add
 Title:  The Trapper's Bride, Or, Spirit of Adventure  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: It was in the autumn of 18— that I isited the city of New York for the first ime. I had long been desirous of seeing hat great city, the grand commercial and mercantile emporium of the western world: the London of America. This city is one of the oldest in the United States, and by far the largest in the Republic, and decidedly the most important in a business point of view. Its mercantile interests are greater and vastly more extended, than are those of any other city in the Union. Early in the history of this country it was founded by a colony of Dutch, a people then widely known for the spirit and energy with which they carried on mercantile pursuits, and more especially for their commercial operations. This spirit they brought with them to their new home: and, as the town grew in importance, and increased in wealth, they pushed their branches of business, which were found profitable to them, besides being more to their liking than any other pursuits in life: and in this way they gained an advance over the other settlements in the country, which they have ever since continued to hold. New York possesses by its location all the natural advantages for commercial pursuit. Its wide harbor, which affords a safe anchorage for the largest ships, looks out upon the boundless ocean, which is traversed at this time by its thousands of stout, staunch vessels. Its intercourse with foreign nations across the ocean is extremely easy from this circumstance, and its active citizens saw this advantage from the first; it was the strong inducement which led them to settle on that narrow neck of land upon which the city is built, and as I have said, early turned their attention to the subject of navigation, and to embark in the pursuits of commerce. As the country grew, and the population increased, foreign trade also became more profitable, and this city was the port that received the returning ships laden with the treasures and luxuries of foreign climes, and in turn sent them back freighted with the surplus productions of our own land, to be exchanged in distant countries. At the date of my story, the city had become large and wealthy. It had already secured the largest share of trade in foreign staples and commodities from other parts of our country, and merchants from other cities on the sea-board as well as inland cities and towns came here to purchase their stocks. Merchants from all parts of the country flowed to New York, as offering the best chance to do business profitably, and advantageously; and foreigners, also, who came to this country, were pretty sure to make this port on their arrival, and quite as sure to remain and engage in business in this enterprising and prosperous city. From successful business, many of the city merchants grew very wealthy, and retiring from active business, they built for themselves elegant mansions in which they resided in the bosom of their families, enjoying all the comforts and pleasures, both social and domestic, their amassed wealth could purchase for them; hence there grew up in this city, and very naturally too, an aristocracy of wealth, and with wealth an aristocracy of fashion; indeed this city soon became what in truth it has ever since continued to be, the source and fountain of the fashion. Here were to be seen the latest styles of female costume; here the fashionable bean got the cue for the approved and last method of the tie of his cravat, or the color and size of his coat buttons, the length and shape of his whiskers and moustaches. In fact, in this respect, New York is to America what Paris is to France; and here you will ever find a crowd devoted to the gay goddess whose temples are the milliners, the mantua-makers, tailors and barbers' shops.
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13Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  Calavar, Or, the Knight of the Conquest  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: In the year of Grace fifteen hundred and twenty, upon a day in the month of May thereof, the sun rose over the islands of the new deep, and the mountains that divided it from an ocean yet unknown, and looked upon the havoc, which, in the name of God, a Christian people were working-upon the loveliest of his regions. He had seen, in the revolution of a day, the strange transformations which a few years had brought upon all the climes and races of his love. The standard of Portugal waved from the minarets of the east; a Portuguese admiral swept the Persian Gulf, and bombarded the walls of Ormuz; a Portuguese viceroy held his court on the shores of the Indian ocean; the princes of the eastern continent had exchanged their bracelets of gold for the iron fetters of the invader; and among the odours of the Spice Islands, the fumes of frankincense ascended to the God of their new masters. He passed on his course: the breakers that dashed upon the sands of Africa, were not whiter than the squadrons that rolled among them; the chapel was built on the shore, and under the shadow of the crucifix was fastened the first rivet in the slavery of her miserable children. Then rose he over the blue Atlantic: the new continent emerged from the dusky deep; the ships of discoverers were penetrating its estuaries and straits, from the Isles of Fire even to the frozen promontories of Labrador; and the roar of cannon went up to heaven, mingled with the groans and blood of naked savages. But peace had descended upon the islands of America; the gentle tribes of these paradises of ocean wept in subjection over the graves of more than half their race; hamlets and cities were springing up in their valleys and on their coasts; the culverin bellowed from the fortress, the bell pealed from the monastery; and the civilization and vices of Europe had supplanted the barbarism and innocence of the feeble native. Still, as he careered to the west, new spectacles were displayed before him; the followers of Balboa had built a proud city on the shores, and were launching their hasty barks on the surges of the New Ocean; the hunter of the Fountain of Youth was perishing under the arrows of the wild warriors of Florida, and armed Spaniards were at last retreating before a pagan multitude. One more sight of pomp and of grief awaited him: he rose on the mountains of Mexico; the trumpet of the Spaniards echoed among the peaks; he looked upon the bay of Ulua, and, as his beams stole tremblingly over the swelling current, they fell upon the black hulls and furled canvas of a great fleet riding tranquilly at its moorings. The fate of Mexico was in the scales of destiny; the second army of invaders had been poured upon her shores. In truth, it was a goodly sight to look upon the armed vessels that thronged this unfrequented bay; for peacefully and majestically they slept on the tide, and as the morning hymn of the mariners swelled faintly on the air, one would have thought they bore with them to the heathen the tidings of great joy, and the good-will and grace of their divine faith, instead of the earthly passions which were to cover the land with lamentation and death.
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14Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  The Infidel, Or, the Fall of Mexico  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: The traveller, who wanders at the present day along the northern and eastern borders of the Lake of Tezcuco, searches in vain for those monuments of aboriginal grandeur, which surrounded it in the age of Montezuma. The lake itself, which, not so much from the saltness of its flood as from the vastness of its expanse, was called by Cortes the Sea of Anahuac, is no longer worthy of the name. The labours of that unhappy race of men, whose bondage the famous Conquistador cemented in the blood of their forefathers, have conducted, through the bowels of a mountain, the waters of its great tributaries, the pools of San Cristobal and Zumpango; and these, rushing down the channel of the Tula, or river of Montezuma, and mingled with the surges of the great Gulf, support fleets of modern argosies, instead of piraguas and chinampas, and expend upon foundering ships-of-war the wrath, which, in their ancient beds, was wasted upon reeds and bulrushes. With the waters, which rippled through their streets, have vanished the numberless towns and cities, that once beautified the margin of the Alpine sea; the towers have fallen, the lofty pyramids melted into earth or air, and the palaces and tombs of kings will be looked for in vain, under tangled copses of thistle and prickly-pear.
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15Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  The Infidel, Or, the Fall of Mexico  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Before sunrise on the following morning, many a feathered band of allies from distant tribes was pouring into Tezcuco; for this was the day on which the Captain-General had appointed to review his whole force, assign the several divisions to the command of his favourite officers, and expound the system of warfare, by which he expected to reduce the doomed Tenochtitlan. The multitudes that were collected by midday would be beyond our belief, did we not know that the royal valley, and every neighbouring nook of Anahuac capable of cultivation, were covered by a population almost as dense as that which makes an ant-heap of the `Celestial Empire,' at this day.
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16Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  Nick of the Woods, Or, the Jibbenainosay  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: When the soldier recovered his senses, it was to wonder again at the change that had come over the scene. The loud yells, the bitter taunts, the mocking laughs, were heard no more; and nothing broke the silence of the wilderness, save the stir of the leaf in the breeze, and the ripple of the river against its pebbly banks below. He glanced a moment from the bush in which he was lying, in search of the barbarians who had lately covered the slope of the hill, but all had vanished; captor and captive had alike fled; and the sparrow twittering among the stunted bushes, and the grasshopper singing in the grass, were the only living objects to be seen. The thong was still upon his wrists, and as he felt it rankling in his flesh, he almost believed that his savage captors, with a refinement in cruelty the more remarkable as it must have robbed them of the sight of his dying agonies, had left him thus bound and wounded, to perish miserably in the wilderness alone.
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17Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  The Adventures of Robin Day  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Sylla, the Roman dictator, is, as far as I know, the only great man on record who attributed his advancement to good luck; all other great men being modestly content to refer their successes in life to their own merits; insisting, with the philosophers, that there is not, in reality, any such thing as luck at all, good, bad, or indifferent, but that every man's fortune, whether happy or evil, is referable to his own agency, the direct result of his own wise or foolish actions. Such may be the fact, for aught I can say, (it is a comfortable doctrinef or the fortunate,) and I do not pretend to controvert it; but of one thing I am very certain, namely, that whether there be bad luck in the world or not, there is an abundance of those unhappy personages who are commonly considered its victims—that is to say, unlucky dogs; of which race I was undoubtedly born a member.
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18Author:  Bird Robert Montgomery 1806-1854Add
 Title:  The Adventures of Robin Day  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Much as I had reason to fear and detest this remarkable personage, Captain Brown, by whom I had been so basely defrauded and cheated into a participation in knavery, and who, I had cause from his own confessions, to believe was, or had once been, a noted pirate; yet my feelings at sight of him mingled something like satisfaction with my fear and resentment. I was so forlorn and helpless in the midst of embarrassment and danger, so much in want of a friend to counsel and assist me, that even Captain Hellcat's countenance appeared to me desirable: at such a moment, I could have accepted the friendship almost of Old Nick himself. He had done me a great deal of mischief, to be sure; but, in my present situation, it was scarce possible he could do me any more. From his courage and worldly experience, nay even from his good will—for I almost looked upon him as a friend, though a mischievous and dangerous one—much was to be expected: and, besides, our adventures together had established a kind of community of interests between us, at least to a certain extent, (were we not house-robbers and runaways together?) which, I thought, must ensure me his good offices, at this moment of difficulty and distress. I resolved, in a word, having no other way to help myself, to throw myself upon his friendship, and trust to him for rescue from the dangers that beset me.
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19Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Add
 Title:  Edgar Huntly, Or, Memoirs of a Sleep-walker  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Next morning I stored a small bag with meat and bread, and throwing an axe on my shoulder, set out, without informing any one of my intentions, for the hill. My passage was rendered more difficult by these incumbrances, but my perseverance surmounted every impediment, and I gained, in a few hours, the foot of the tree, whose trunk was to serve me for a bridge. In this journey I saw no traces of the fugitive.
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20Author:  Brown Charles Brockden 1771-1810Add
 Title:  Ormond, Or, the Secret Witness  
 Published:  1997 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Stephen Dudley was a native of New-York. He was educated to the profession of a painter. His father's trade was that or an apothecary. But this son, manifesting an attachment to the pencil, he was resolved that it should be gratified. For this end Stephen was sent at an early age to Europe, and not only enjoyed the instructions of Fuzeli and Bartolozzi, but spent a considerable period in Italy, in studying the Augustan and Medicean monuments. It was intended that he should practise his art in his native city, but the young man, though reconciled to this scheme by deference to paternal authority, and by a sense of its propriety, was willing, as long as possible to postpone it. The liberality of his father relieved him from all pecuniary cares. His whole time was devoted to the improvement of his skill in his favorite art, and the enriching of his mind with every valuable accomplishment. He was endowed with a comprehensive genius and indefatigable industry. His progress was proportionably rapid, and he passed his time without much regard to futurity, being too well satisfied with the present to anticipate a change. A change however was unavoidable, and he was obliged at length to pay a reluctant obedience to his father's repeated summons. The death of his wife had rendered his society still more necessary to the old gentleman.
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