| | 22 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison  | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Since my letter of November 27th on the subject of
what had taken place at New Orleans, a letter has been received
from the Governor of Louisiana to Governor Claiborne,
in which it is stated that the measure of the Intendant was
without instructions from his Government, and admitted
that his own judgment did not concur with that of the Intendant.
You will find by the printed documents herewith
transmitted that the subject engaged the early and earnest
attention of the House of Representatives, and that all the
information relating to it, possessed by the Executive, prior
to the receipt of that letter, was reported in consequence of a
call for it. The letter itself has been added to that report;
but being confidentially communicated, it does not
appear in print: a translation of it however is herewith inclosed.
You will find also that the House has passed a resolution
explicitly declaring that the stipulated rights of the
United States on the Mississippi will be inviolably maintained.
The disposition of many members was to give to the resolution
a tone and complexion still stronger. To these proofs of
the sensation which has been produced, it is to be added, that
representations, expressing the peculiar sensibility of the
Western Country, are on the way from every quarter of it, to
the Government. There is in fact but one sentiment
throughout the union with respect to the duty of maintaining
our rights of navigation and boundary. The only existing
difference relates to the degree of patience which ought to
be exercised during the appeal to friendly modes of redress.
In this state of things it is to be presumed that the Spanish
Government will accelerate by every possible means, its interposition
for that purpose; and the President charges you to
urge the necessity of so doing with as much amicable decision
as you can employ. We are not without hopes, that the
Intendant will yield to the demands which have been made
on him, and to the advice which he will have received from
the Spanish Minister here. But it will be expected from the
justice and good faith of the Spanish Government, that its
precise orders to that effect will be forwarded by the quickest
conveyance possible. The President wishes also, that the
expedient suggested in the letter above referred to, for preventing
similar occurrences and delays, may also be duly
pressed on that ground. Dear Sir,—Since you left us we have no further intelligence from N.
Orleans, except a letter dated Jany 20 from the vice Consular agent
there, from which it appears that the letters to the Govr. & Intendant
from the Spanish Minister here, had arrived abt. the 13th., and had not on
the 20th., produced the desired change in the state of things. The delay
however does not seem to have been viewed by the Consul as any proof,
that the Intendant would not conform to the interposition. The idea
continued that he had taken measures without orders from his Govt.
There are letters (according to that from the Consul) for the Marquis
Yrujo now on the way by land. These will probably shew whether the
Intendant will yield or not. The despatch vessel which carried the
Marquis's letters is not yet returned. The detention of her beyond the
allotted time is favorably interpreted by him; on the presumption that
she waits for a satisfactory answer, which the pride of the Intendant
postpones as long as possible. If West Florida can alone be purchased, it is certainly worth attending
to; but in that case, making the river Iberville the boundary as
it was made in the treaty of 1762 between France and England, the
article should be so worded as to give us the whole channel of that river,
or at least to permit us to open it so as to render it navigable in all seasons.
At present the bed is 30 feet above low water mark for 15 miles
from the Mississippi to Amit river; but I have no doubt that a very
small opening would be widened & deepened afterwards by the river.
There is no obstruction, the whole being level and mud or sand. But
supposing even a portage there, the advantage of american houses settled
in a american port would soon give a preference over New Orleans
to that port. The seaport may be perhaps on the main between Pearl
& Pargacola rivers; but certainly on the Island called "Ship Island"
as through the passage between that & the next island there are more
than 20 feet water & good anchorage close to the shore which faces the
main. A frigate of 36 guns was seen there by E. Jones, (the first clerk
in my office who is brother of our late consul at New Orleans & lived ten
years with him in W. Florida) & it is the reason of its bearing that name.
Judge Bay says that there is another island, called Deer Island close to
the entrance of Lake Pontchartrain which affords the same advantages.
That Jones disbelieves; but the other is certain, and as it is about half
way between Mobile & the Lake; as the whole navigation between these
two places is locked in by the Islands & safe even for open boats &
canoes; that island would become the proper seaport for both rivers
Mississippi and Mobile; for you can bring but 9 feet up Mobile bay, 7
feet over the bar of Lake Pontchartrain & 15 over the bar at the mouth
of the Mississippi. It results from all that, that the possession of West
Florida, even without New Orleans island, is extremely inmportant, and
that if it can be obtained, it ought expressly to include all the islands
within twenty leagues or such distance as to include those which are
marked on the map.—Enclosed to James Monroe, 1 Mar. 1803—Mad.
MSS. Dear Sir You will receive with this all the communications claimed
by the actual & eventual posture of our affairs in the hands of yourself
& M.r Livingston. You will find also that the Spanish Govt. has pretty
promptly corrected the wrong done by its Officer at N. Orleans. This
event will be a heavy blow to the clamorous for war, and will be very
soothing to those immediately interested in the trade of the Missisipi.
The temper manifested by our Western Citizens has been throughout
the best that can be conceived. The real injury from the suspension of
the deposit was howr*
* Italics for cypher.
much lessened by the previous destruction of the
intire crop of wheat in Kentucky, by the number of sea vessels built on
the Ohio and by throngs of vessels from Atlantic ports to the Mississippi,
some of which ascended to the Matches. The permission also to supply
the market at N. O. & to ship the surplus as Spanish property to
Spanish ports, was turned to good account. The trial therefore has been
much alleviated. Certain it is that the hearts and hopes of the Western
people are strongly fixed on the Mississippi for the future boundary.
Should no improvement of existing rights be gained the disappointment
will be great. Still respect for principle & character, aversion to war &
taxes the hope of a speedy conjuncture more favorable, and attachment to
the present order of things will be persuasive exhortations to patience.
It is even a doubt with some of the best judges whether the deposit
alone would not be waved for a while rather than it should be the immediate
ground of war and an alliance with England. This suggested a
particular passage in the official letter now sent you & M.r L. Dear Sir I received your favor of by Mr. Hughes, the
bearer of the public despatches from you & Mr. L. The purchase of
Louisiana in its full extent, tho' not contemplated is received with
warm, & in a manner universal approbation. The uses to which it may
be turned, render it a truly noble acquisition. Under prudent management
it may be made to do much good as well as to prevent much evil.
By lessening the military establishment otherwise requisite or countenanced,
it will answer the double purpose of saving expence & favoring
liberty. This is a point of view in which the Treaty will be particularly
grateful to a most respectable description of our Citizens. It will be of
great importance also to take the regulation & settlement of that Territory
out of other hands, into those of the U.S. who will be able to manage
both for the general interest & conveniency. By securing also the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Mississippi to the mouth, a source of much
perplexity & collision is effectually cut off. Dear Sir Finding that Mr. Purveyance is within reach of a few
lines, I add them to what he is already charged with, to observe that
Yrujo has written another remonstrance agst. our acquisition of Louisiana,
alledging as a further objection that France by not obtaining the
stipulated acknowledgmets. of the King of Etruria from the Courts of
Petersburg & London had a defective title herself to the Cession. Nothing
can be more absurd than these cavils on the part of Spain, unless it
should be her using in support of them force agst. our taking possession.
This she will scarcely attempt, if not backed by France, wch. we hope is
impossible. I am writing on this subject to Livingston & Pinkney.
I have already done so to Yrujo giving him to understand, that we shall
not withhold any means that may be rendered necessary to secure our
object. Pichon is perfectly well disposed, is offended with the Spanish
Minister, & if left under the orders he now has, will cooperate zealously,
with an honest view to the honor & obligations of his own Country.
On our part I trust every thing that the crisis demands will be done, and
that we shall speedily be in possession of the valuable object which the
Treaty with France has gained for us. Baring is here, but having not
yet called on me I have had no opportunity of paying him civilities or
obtaining explanations from him. I wait anxiously for your next.
Your last was of Aug. 15. I hope you have been favorably recd., and
will bring the British Govt. more & more to understand their own interests
as well as our rights. Insist on instructions to all their naval officers,
to abstain from impressions & to respect our jurisdictional rights.
Incidents are daily occurring which otherwise may overcome the calculating
policy of the Present Executive, & provoke the public temper
into an irresistible impetus on the public Councils. Mr. K. says that
if he cd. have remained a little longer, the British Govt. might possibly
have been brought into a contract guarding agst. this evil; but that the
business is to be effected at that Court by the U. S. not so well by formal
notes & official discussions as by the frankness & familiarity of explanatory
& expostulatory observations in private discourse. I give you this
in confidence, as a hint that may be useful. Mr. Purveyance had
seized your wishes before I returned hither, & I did not know till
this moment that he had not sailed. I write in great haste to secure
the present mail, which is the only one that promises a conveyance by
him. He will give you much public & all private information.—Mad.
MSS. Sir I recd. your favor of the 21 prairial, with a pleasure which is redoubled
by the consideration that I am able in acknowledging it, to
inform you of the formal approbation of the late Treaty & conn. by
every branch of our Govt. The event establishes, I hope forever, perfect
harmony between the two Countries. It is the more likely to do so,
as it is founded in a policy, coeval with their political relations, of removing
as much as possible all sources of jealousy & collision. The
frankness & uprightness which marked the progress of this transaction,
are truly honorable to all concerned in it; and it is an agreeable circumstance,
that, in the exchange of ratifications, it was closed in the same
spirit of mutual confidence, Mr. Pichon inferring, doubtless with the
truest reason, that an unqualified exchange, under actual circumstances,
would best accord with the real views of his Government. Dear Sir I have recd I believe all your letters public and private
down to that of October 22, written merely to say that all continued
well. I have taken due care of the communications on the subject of
your—. Everything seems to be well understood on this side the
water. I cannot say more now as I write of necessity without cypher. The treaty as actually presented by Purviance is as follows: | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 23 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I have the Honour of informing you, that His Majesty, having
been persuaded that the honourable Reparation which he had caused
to be tendered for the unauthorized attack upon the American Frigate
Chesapeake, would be accepted by the Government of the United
States, in the same Spirit of conciliation, with which it was proposed,
has instructed me, to express His Satisfaction, should such a happy
Termination of that affair take Place—not only as having removed
a painful cause of Difference, but as affording a fair Prospect of a
complete and cordial understanding, being reestablished between the
two Countries. In consequence of the Acceptance by the President, as stated in
your Letter, dated the 18th Instant, of the Proposals, made by me
on the Part of His Majesty, in my Letter of the same Day, for the
Renewal of the Intercourse between the respective Countries, I am
authorized to declare, that His Majesty's orders in Council of January
and November, 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United
States on the 10th Day of June next. Dr Sir I return your Copy of Gideon's Edition of the Federalist,
with the memorandums requested in your note of the 16th. I shall
take a pleasure in adding any other circumstances which you may
wish to know, and I may be able to communicate. Sir I have duly recd. your letter of the 15th. inst. with the handsome
copy of your edition of the "Federalist." As this replaces the Copy
sent you, there is the less occasion for a return of the latter. It may
be proper perhaps to observe that it is not the [only] one containing
the names of the writers Correctly prefixed to their respective papers.
I had a considerable time ago, at the request of particular friends,
given the same advantage to their copies. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 24 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | My Dear Friend,—Yours of the 28 of June like
the preceding one found me at this place, where my
preparations for leaving Congs. will keep me much of
the remainder of my time. The footing on which
the Impost is placed by the Assembly is not an eligible
one, but preferable to a total rejection. It is to
be regretted that immediate use was not made of the
impression of the letter from Genl. W. The interval
preceding the next Session will give full scope to
malignant insinuations. The reversal of the award
in the case of Nathan may possibly be just in itself;
but it will require all your eloquence I fear to shield
the honor of the State from its effects. The Agency
which the Delegation had in the affair will impart no
small share of the mortification to them. I suppose
the feelings of Mr. Jefferson & Mr. Harrison also will
not be much delighted by it. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 25 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Rev Sir—I am not a little affected at hearing of
your misfortune, but cannot but hope the cure may be
so far accomplished as to render your journey not inconvenient.
Your kind Advice & friendly cautions
are a favour that shall be always gratefully remembered,
& I must beg leave to assure you that my
happiness, which you and your brother so ardently
wish for, will be greatly augmented by both your
enjoyments of the like blessing. SIR,—The complexion of the intelligence received of late from Spain, with the
manner of thinking which begins to prevail in Congress with regard to the claims
to the navigation of the Mississippi, makes it our duty to apply to our constituents
for their precise, full and ultimate sense on this point. If Spain should
make a relinquishment of the navigation of that river on the part of the United
States an indispensable condition of an alliance with them, and the State of Virginia
should adhere to their former determination to insist on the right of navigation,
their delegates ought to be so instructed, not only for their own satisfaction,
but that they may the more effectually obviate arguments drawn from a supposition
that the change of circumstances, which has taken place since the former
instructions were given, may have changed the opinion of Virginia with regard
to the object of them. If, on the other side, any such change of opinion
should have happened, and it is now the sense of the State that an alliance with
Spain ought to be purchased even at the price of such a cession if it can not be
obtained on better terms, it is evidently necessary that we should be authorized
to concur in it.—It will also be expedient for the Legislature to instruct us in
the most explicit terms whether any and what extent of territory on the East
side of the Mississippi and within the limits of Virginia, is in any event to
be yielded to Spain as the price of an alliance with her.—Lastly, it is our earnest
wish to know what steps it is the pleasure of our Constituents we should
take, in case we should be instructed in no event to concede the claims of Virginia
either to territory or to the navigation of the above-mentioned river, and
Congress should without their concurrence agree to such concession. . . . . . . . . . . "My Dear Sir,—Since my last the Danae a French frigate has arrived from
France with money for the French army and public despatches. A snow storm
drove her on shore in this Bay where she was in danger of following the fate of
one of the last Frigates from France. The accident as it turned out only cost
her all her masts. The despatches for Congress are from Mr. Franklin, Mr.
Jay, & the Marquis de la Fayette, and come down to the 14th. of Octr. They
advise that the 1st. Commission issued to Mr. Oswald empowered him to
treat with certain colonies &c., which being objected, another issued explicitly
empowering him to Treat with commisrs from the thirteen United States. The
latter, of which a copy was inclosed, and which will be transmitted to the
Executives, is grounded on the Act of Parliament, but is to continue in force
no longer than July 1783. It is no doubt on the whole a source of very soothing
expectations, but if we view on one side the instability & insidiousness of
the British Cabinet, and, on the other the complication of interest and pretensions
among the Allies, prudence calls upon us to temper our expectations with much
distrust. "Your favor of the 13th. instant arrived a few minutes after I sealed my last.
That of the 20th. came duly to hand yesterday. The sensations excited in Mr.
Jones and myself by the Repeal of the law in favor of the Impost were such as
you anticipated. Previously to the receipt of your information a letter from
Mr. Pendleton to me had suspended the progress of the Deputies to Rhode
Island. Yours put an entire stop to the mission, until the plan or some other
can be extended to the case of Virga. The letter from the Govr., of the same
date with your last, gives a hope that our representations may regain her support
to the impost without further steps from Congress. Your doubt as to her
power of revoking her accession would, I think have been better founded, if she
had not been virtually absolved by the definite rejection of Rho: Island;
altho' that rejection ought perhaps have been previously authenticated to her.
I beg you to be circumstantial on this subject especially as to the parties and
motives which led to the repeal, and may oppose a reconsideration. After a silence of 4 weeks your favor of the 26 Ult, was particularly welcome.
Your conjecture was but too well founded as to the compiler of the Proclamation.
The offensive passages were adverted to by some, but the general
eagerness on the occasion, increased by some unavoidable delays, rendered all
attempts to draw the attention of Congress to smaller inaccuracies unacceptable. Your favor of the 21. Ult: written at Col: Pendleton's was brought to hand
by the Post of last week Col: Floyd's family did not set out until the day
after it was received. I accompanied them as far as Brunswick, about 60
miles from this and returned hither on friday evening. . . . Congress have
recd a long and curious letter from Mr. Adams, dated in Feb. addressed to the
president not to the Secretary for foreign affairs. He animadverts on the revocation
of his commn for a treaty of commerce with great Britain presses the
appointment of a minister to that Court with such a commn draws the picture
of a fit character in which his own likeness is rediculously & palpably studied
finally praising and recommending Mr Jay for the appointment provided
injustice must be done an older servant. Marbois lately took occasion in our family to complain of ungenerous proceedings
of the British against individuals, as well as against their enemies at large,
and finally signified that he was no stranger to the letter transmitted to Congress
which he roundly averred to be spurious. His information came from Boston,
where the incident is said to be no secret; but whether it be the echo of letters
from Philada. or has transpired from the correspondence of Mr. Adams to his
private friends is uncertain. This conversation passed during my absence in
new Jersey, but was related to me by Mr. Carroll. Your favour of the 9th inst. was duly brought by yesterday's Mail. My impatience
is great to know the reception given to the propositions of Congress by
the Assembly. I foresaw some of the topics which are employed against them,
& I dread their effect from the eloquent mouths which will probably enforce
them; but I do not despair. Until those who oppose the plan, can substitute
some other equally consistent with public justice & honor, and more conformable
to the doctrines of the Confederation, all those who love justice and
aim at the public good will be advocates for the plan. The greatest danger is
to be apprehended from the difficulty of making the latter class sensible of the
impracticability or incompetency of any plan short of the one recommended;
the arguments necessary for that purpose being drawn from a general survey of
the federal system, and not from the interior polity of the States singly. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 26 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Dear Sir The privilege of franking having
ceased with the Convention, I have waited for this
opportunity of inclosing you a copy of the proposed
Constitution for the U. States. I forbear to make
any observations on it; either on the side of its
merits or its faults. The best Judges of both will
be those who can combine with a knowledge of the
collective & permanent interest of America, a freedom
from the bias resulting from a participation in
the work. If the plan proposed be worthy of adoption,
the degree of unanimity attained in the Convention
is a circumstance as fortunate, as the very
respectable dissent on the part of Virginia is a subject
of regret. The double object of blending a proper
stability & energy in the Government with the essential
characters of the republican Form, and of tracing
a proper line of demarkation between the national
and State authorities, was necessarily found to be as
difficult as it was desirable, and to admit of an infinite
diversity concerning the means among those who
were unanimously agreed concerning the end. Your favor of the 2d Ulto was not recd till my arrival here on monday
evening. I found contrary to my expectation that not only a very
full house had been made on the first day, but that it had proceeded
to the appointment of the President & other officers. Mr. Pendleton
was put into the chair without opposition. Yesterday little more was
done than settling some forms and Resolving that no question general
or particular should be propounded till the whole plan should be considered
& debated, clause by clause. This was moved by Col. Mason,
and contrary to his expectations, concurred in by the other side. Today
the discussions commenced in Committee of the whole. The Governor
has declared the day of previous amendments passed, and thrown himself
fully into the federal scale. Henry & Mason made a lame figure
& appeared to take different and awkward ground. The federalists
are a good deal elated by the existing prospect. I dare not however
speak with certainty as to the decision. Kentucky has been extremely
tainted, is supposed to be generally adverse, and every piece of address
is going on privately to work on the local interests & prejudices of
that & other quarters. In haste I am Dear Sir,—Your favor of came to hand by the mail of
Wednesday. I did not write by several late returns for two reasons:
one the improbability of your having got back to Mount Vernon; the
other a bilious indisposition which confined me for several days. I
am again tolerably well recovered. No question direct or indirect has yet been taken by which the state
of parties could be determined, of course each is left to enjoy the
hopes resulting from its own partial calculations. It is probable the
majority on either side will not exceed 3, 4, 5, or 6. I indulge a belief
that at this time the friends of the Constitution have the advantage
in point of number. Great moderation as yet marks our proceedings.
Whether it be the effect of temper, or of the equality of forces and the
uncertainty of victory, will be seen by the event. We are at present
on the Executive Department. Mr. H—y has not made any opposition
to it, though it was looked for. He may however still mean to
make one; or he may lay by for an exertion against the Judiciary. I
find myself not yet restored and extremely feeble. No question has yet been taken by which the strength of parties can
be determined. The calculations on different sides do not accord;
each making them under the bias of their particular wishes. I think
however the friends of the Constitution are most confident of superiority,
and am inclined myself to think they have at this time the advantage
of 3 or 4 or possibly more in point of number. The final question
will probably decide the contest in a few days more. We are now on
the Judiciary Department, against which the last efforts of the adversaries
seem to be made. How far they will be able to make an
impression, I cannot say. It is not probable that many proselytes
will be made on either side. As this will be handed to you at Court
you can make its contents known to Majr Moore and other friends to
whom I have not time separately to write. With my regards to my
mother & the family I remain yr affec. Son.—Mad. MSS. We got through the Constitution by paragraphs today. Tomorrow
some proposition for closing the business will be made. On our side a
ratification involving a few declaratory truths not affecting its validity
will be tendered. The opposition will urge previous amendments.
Their conversation today seemed to betray despair. Col. Mason in
particular talked in a style which no other sentiment could have produced.
He held out the idea of civil convulsions as the effects of
obtruding the Government on the people. He was answered by several
and concluded with declaring his determination for himself to acquiesce
in the event whatever it might be. Mr. H—y endeavored
to gloss what had fallen from his friend, declared his aversion to the
Constitution to be such that he could not take the oath; but that he
would remain in peaceable submission to the result. We calculate
on a majority, but a bare one. It is possible nevertheless that some
adverse circumstance may happen. I am, Dr Sr in haste Yrs entirely.
—Wash. MSS. Yesterday carried us through the discussion of the constitution by
paragraphs. Today will probably carry forward some proposition and
debates relative to the final step to be taken. The opposing party
will contend for previous amendments. On the other side a conciliatory
declaration of certain fundamental principles in favor of liberty,
in a form not affecting the validity and plenitude of the ratification, will
be proposed. The final question is likely to be decided by a small
majority. I do not know that either party despairs absolutely. The
friends of the Convention seem to be in the best spirits; and I hope
have the best reason to be so. At the same time it is not impossible
they may miscalculate their number, and that accidents may reduce
it below the requisite amount, two members on that side, who went
away with a purpose of returning are still absent, it is said; and a
third is so ill as to render his vote somewhat precarious. It may be
questioned whether on any estimate this loss if it shd. continue may
not endanger the results. On the question to-day for previous amendments, the votes stood
8o ays—88 noes. On the final question the ratification passed 89
ayes—79 noes. Subsequent amendments will attend the act; but are
yet to be settled. The temper of the minority will be better known
to-morrow. The proceedings have been without flaw or pretext of it;
and there is no doubt that acquiescence if not cordiality will be manifested
by the unsuccessful party. Two of the leaders however betray
the effect of the disappointment, so far as it is marked in their countenances. Being informed that reports prevail not only that I am opposed to
any amendments whatever to the new federal Constitution, but that
I have ceased to be a friend to the rights of Conscience; and inferring
from a conversation with my brother William, that you are disposed
to contradict such reports as far as your knowledge of my sentiments
may justify, I am led to trouble you with this communication of them.
As a private Citizen it could not be my wish that erroneous opinions
should be entertained, with respect to either of those points, particularly
with respect to religious liberty. But having been induced,
to offer my services to this district as its representative in the federal
Legislature, considerations of a public nature make it proper that,
with respect to both, my principles and views should be rightly understood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Our business here goes on very slowly, though in a spirit of moderation
and accommodation which is so far flattering. The bill for
regulating the quantum of duties is not yet come back from the Senate.
Some alterations will be made, but none that affect the substance of
the plan, unless it be the abolition of a small favor to the Nations in
Alliance with us copied from the laws of Virginia. One of our Senators1
1 Lee.
whose ideas on another point excite animadversions among his constituents
seems not to consult their sentiments on this. I think myself
that it is impolitic, in every view that can be taken of the subject,
to put G. Britain at once on the footing of a, most favored nation. The
bill for collecting the duties is now before the H. of Reps, and I fear will
not be very quickly despatched. It has passed thro' several hands
legal as well as mercantile, and, notwithstanding is in a crude state.
It might certainly have been put into a better; though in every step
the difficulties arising from novelty are severely experienced, and are
an ample as well as just source of apology. Scarcely a day passes
without some striking evidence of the delays and perplexities springing
merely from the want of precedents. Time will be a full remedy for
this evil; and will I am persuaded, evince a greater facility in legislating
uniformly for all the States than has been supposed by some of the
best friends of the Union. . . . . The papers now covered contain a sketch of a very
interesting discussion which consumed great part of the past week.
The Constitution has omitted to declare expressly by what authority
removals from office are to be made. Out of this silence four constructive
doctrines have arisen, 1. that the power of removal may
be disposed of by the Legislative discretion. To this it is objected
that the Legislature might then confer it on themselves, or even on
the House of Reps, which could not possibly have been intended by
the Constitution. 2. that the power of removal can only be exercised
in the mode of impeachment. To this the objection is that it would
make officers of every description hold their places during good behavior,
which could have still less been intended. 3. that the power
of removal is incident to the power of appointment. To this the
objections are that it would require the constant Session of the Senate,
that it extends the mixture of Legislative & Executive power,
that it destroys the responsibility of the President by enabling a
subordinate Executive officer to intrench himself behind a party in
the Senate, and destroys the utility of the Senate in their Legislative
and Judicial characters, by involving them too much in the heats and
cabals inseparable from questions of a personal nature; in fine, that
it transfers the trust in fact from the President who being at all times
impeachable as well as every 4th year eligible by the people at
large, may be deemed the most responsible member of the Government,
to the Senate who from the nature of that institution, is and
was meant after the Judiciary & in some respects without that exception
to be the most irresponsible branch of the Government. 4. that
the Executive power being in general terms vested in the President,
all power of an Executive nature, not particularly taken away must
belong to that department, that the power of appointment only being
expressly taken away, the power of Removal, so far as it is of an
Executive nature must be reserved. In support of this construction
it is urged that exceptions to general positions are to be taken strictly,
and that the axiom relating to the separation of the Legislative &
Executive functions ought to be favored. To this are objected the
principle on which the 3d construction is founded, & the danger of
creating too much influence in the Executive Magistrate. I lost no time in handing to the President the address inclosed in
your favor of the 22 of May, and have postponed an acknowledgement
of the latter in expectation of being able at the same time to
cover the President's answer. This has been and continues to be
delayed by a very serious indisposition, we hope he is not in much
danger, but are by no means without our fears also. His disorders
commenced in a fever which has greatly reduced him, and is terminating
in a very large tumor which, unless it degenerate itself into a dangerous
malady, will probably be remedial. I am particularly obliged by your favor of the 3d, which incloses
your remarks on the Judiciary bill. It came to hand yesterday only,
and I have not had time to compare your suggestions with the plan of
the Senate: nor do I know the alterations which may have taken place
in it since it has been under discussion. In many points, even supposing
the outline a good one, which I have always viewed as controvertible,
defects and inaccuracies were striking. Your ideas on the proposed discrimination between foreign Nations
coincide I perceive exactly with those which have governed me. The
Senate did not allow that no effort should be made for vindicating
our commercial interests, but argued that a more effectual mode
should be substituted. A Come. was appd. in that branch to report
such a mode. The report made is founded on something like a retort
of her restrictions in the W. Inda. channels. It is now said that as the
measure would involve an imposition of extraordinary duties, the
Senate cannot proceed in it. Mr. Gerry alluding to these circumstances
moved two days ago for a bill giving further encouragement
to trade & navigation, and obtained a Committee for the purpose.
What will be the result is uncertain. If the attempt added to what has
passed should as it probably will, be made known abroad, it may lead
to apprehensions that may be salutary. "I am just favd. with yours of the 30th inst: and am glad to find
your sentiments so decided as to the power of removal by the Presidt.
Every letter to me and as far as I know to others here from Virga.
ratifies the propriety of the decision of Congress. Our last discussions
of moment have turned on the compensations. The bill as gone to
the Senate allows six dollars a day to the members of both houses.
My own idea was that it should have been less for the Reps. & more
for the Senate. With equal emoluments the ablest men will prefer
the H. of Reps. and the Senate will degenerate into an unfitness for
the great dignity of its institution. The rate allowed is unpopular in
this quarter of the Union. But the truth is that 6 dollars [is more
necessary] for the distant states particularly S. C. & Georgia than it
would be to N. Jersey, Connecticut, &c, and a defective allowance
would put the states at a distance under disadvantages of a very
serious nature. Add to this that a less sum than 6 dollars for the
Senate (whose case was involved in that of the H. of Reps. after the
vote agst. a discrimination) could not well be thought of. On these
grounds the measure must rest for its vindication. I am afraid it
will be disrelished in your part of Virga. & cannot say I am satisfied
with it myself. With men of liberal turns and who know the former
allowance made to Congress by the States and who moreover take into
view the situation & voting of the different states, an apologetic reasoning
on the subject will not be sufficient, with those of another cast, the
case will be different . . ."—Va. Hist. Soc. MSS. For a week past the subject of amendts. has exclusively occupied the
H. of Reps. Its progress has been exceedingly wearisome not only on
account of the diversity of opinions that was to be apprehended, but
of the apparent views of some to defeat by delaying a plan short of
their wishes, but likely to satisfy a great part of their companions in
opposition throughout the Union. It has been absolutely necessary
in order to effect anything, to abbreviate debate, and exclude every
proposition of a doubtful & unimportant nature. Had it been my
wish to have comprehended every amendt. recom̃ended by Virga., I
should have acted from prudence the very part to which I have been
led by choice. Two or three contentious additions would even now
prostrate the whole project. The week past has been devoted to the subject of amendments:
all that remains is a formal vote on a fair transcript which will be
taken this morning; and without debate I hope, as each of the propositions
has been agreed to by two thirds of the House. The substance
of the report of the Committee of eleven has not been much varied.
It became an unavoidable sacrifice to a few who knew their concurrence
to be necessary, to the dispatch if not the success of the business,
to give up the form by which the amendts. when ratified would have
fallen into the body of the Constitution, in favor of the project of
adding them by way of appendix to it. It is already apparent I
think that some ambiguities will be produced by this change, as the
question will often arise and sometimes be not easily solved, how far
the original text is or is not necessarily superceded, by the supplemental
act. A middle way will be taken between the two modes, of
proposing all the amendts. as a single act to be adopted or rejected in
the gross, and of proposing them as independent amendts. each of
which shall take place or not, as it may be individually decided on.
The several propositions will be classed according to their affinity to
each other, which will reduce them to the number of 5 or 6 in the
whole, to go forth as so many amendts. unconnected with one another. I was favd. on Saturday with yours of the 2d instant.
The Judiciary is now under consideration. I view it as you do, as
defective both in its general structure, and many of its particular regulations.
The attachment of the Eastern members, the difficulty of
substituting another plan, with the consent of those who agree in disliking
the bill, the defect of time &c, will however prevent any radical
alterations. The most I hope is that some offensive violations of
Southern jurisprudence may be corrected, and that the system
may speedily undergo a reconsideration under the auspices of the
Judges who alone will be able perhaps to set it to rights. The pressure of unfinished business has suspended the
adjournment of Congs. till Saturday next. Among the articles which
required it was the plan of amendments, on which the two Houses so
far disagreed as to require conferences. It will be impossible I find
to prevail on the Senate to concur in the limitation on the value of
appeals to the Supreme Court, which they say is unnecessary, and
might be embarrassing in questions of national or Constitutional importance
in their principle, tho' of small pecuniary amount. They
are equally inflexible in opposing a definition of the locality of Juries.
The vicinage they contend is either too vague or too strict a term, too
vague if depending on limits to be fixed by the pleasure of the law,
too strict if limited to the County. It was proposed to insert after
the word Juries, "with the accustomed requisites," leaving the definition
to be construed according to the judgment of professional men.
Even this could not be obtained. The truth is that in most of the
States the practice is different, and hence the irreconcileable difference
of ideas on the subject. In some States, jurors are drawn from, the
whole body of the community indiscriminately; in others, from large
districts comprehending a number of Counties; and in a few only from
a single County. The Senate suppose also that the provision for
vicinage in the Judiciary bill, will sufficiently quiet the fears which
called for an amendment on this point. On a few other points in the
plan the Senate refuse to join the House of Reps. Your favor of Jany. 9, inclosing one of Sept. last did not get to hand
till a few days ago.*
* See the letter in Ford's Writings of Jefferson, v., 115.
The idea which the latter evolves is a great one;
and suggests many interesting reflections to Legislators; particularly
when contracting and providing for public debts. Whether it can
be received in the extent to which your reasonings carry it, is a question
which I ought to turn more in my thoughts than I have yet been able
to do, before I should be justified in making up a full opinion on it.
My first thoughts lead me to view the doctrine as not in all respects
compatible with the course of human affairs. I will endeavour to
sketch the grounds of my skepticism. "As the Earth belongs to the
living, not to the dead, a living generation can bind itself only; in
every Society the will of the majority binds the whole; according to
the laws of mortality, a majority of those ripe for the exercise of their
will do not live beyond the term of 19 years; to this term then is
limited the validity of every act of the Society, nor can any act be
continued beyond this term without an express declaration of the
public will." This I understand to be the outline of the argument. I have not yet recd. a single line from Orange since I left it. The
letter from my brother when at Alexa. is the only written information
that I have had the pleasure of, a few lines from. Mr. Hite excepted.
These gave an account of my sisters marriage, and added that about
that period my mother was better. I am anxious to hear more on
that subject, and indulge my hopes that her health will yet be reestablished. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 28 | Author: | Woodson
Carter Godwin
1875-1950 | Add | | | Title: | A Century of Negro Migration | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | THE migration of the blacks from the Southern
States to those offering them better
opportunities is nothing new. The objective
here, therefore, will be not merely to present the
causes and results of the recent movement of
the Negroes to the North but to connect this
event with the periodical movements of the
blacks to that section, from about the year 1815
to the present day. That this movement should
date from that period indicates that the policy
of the commonwealths towards the Negro must
have then begun decidedly to differ so as to
make one section of the country more congenial
to the despised blacks than the other. As a
matter of fact, to justify this conclusion, we
need but give passing mention here to developments
too well known to be discussed in detail.
Slavery in the original thirteen States was the
normal condition of the Negroes. When, however,
James Otis, Patrick Henry and Thomas
Jefferson began to discuss the natural rights of
the colonists, then said to be oppressed by Great
Britain, some of the patriots of the Revolution
carried their reasoning to its logical conclusion,
contending that the Negro slaves should be
freed on the same grounds, as their rights were
also founded in the laws of nature.1
1 Locke, Anti-Slavery, pp. 19, 20, 23; Works of John Wool-,
man, pp. 58, 73; and Moore, Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts,
p. 71.
And so it
was soon done in most Northern commonwealths. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 33 | Author: | Trollope
Frances Milton
1780-1863 | Add | | | Title: | Domestic Manners of the Americans | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | On the 4th of November, 1827, I sailed from
London, accompanied by my son and two
daughters; and after a favourable, though somewhat
tedious voyage, arrived on Christmas—day
at the mouth of the Mississippi. By far the shortest route to Washington, both
as to distance and time, is by land; but I much
wished to see the celebrated Chesapeake bay,
and it was therefore decided that we should
take our passage in the steam-boat. It is indeed
a beautiful little voyage, and well worth
the time it costs; but as to the beauty of the
bay, it must, I think, be felt only by sailors. It
is, I doubt not, a fine shelter for ships, from the
storms of the Atlantic, but its very vastness prevents
its striking the eye as beautiful: it is, in
fact, only a fine sea view. But the entrance
from it into the Potomac river is very noble,
and is one of the points at which one feels conscious
of the gigantic proportions of the country,
without having recourse to a graduated
pencil-case. "Those indebted to me for taxes, fees, notes,
and accounts, are specially requested to call
and pay the same on or before the 1st day of
December, 1828, as no longer indulgence will
be given. I have called time and again, by advertisement
and otherwise, to little effect; but
now the time has come when my situation requires
immediate payment from all indebted to
me. It is impossible for me to pay off the
amount of the duplicates of taxes and my other
debts without recovering the same of those from
whom it is due. I am at a loss to know the
reason why those charged with taxes neglect to
pay; from the negligence of many it would
seem that they think the money is mine, or that
I have funds to discharge the taxes due to the
State, and that I can wait with them until it
suits their convenience to pay. The money is
not mine; neither have I the funds to settle
amount of the duplicate. My only resort is to
collect; in doing so I should be sorry to have
to resort to the authority given me by law for
the recovery of the same. It should be the first
object of every good citizen to pay his taxes, for
it is in that way government is supported. Why
are taxes assessed unless they are collected?
Depend upon it, I shall proceed to collect agreeably
to law, so govern yourselves accordingly. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 34 | Author: | Chesnut
Mary Boykin Miller
1823-1886 | Add | | | Title: | A Diary from Dixie | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | CHARLESTON, S. C., November 8, 1860.—Yesterday
on the train, just before we reached Fernandina, a
woman called out: "That settles the hash." Tanny
touched me on the shoulder and said: "Lincoln's elected."
"How do you know?" "The man over there has a telegram." My Dear Mary: I wrote you a short letter from Richmond
last Wednesday, and came here next day. Found the camp all
busy and preparing for a vigorous defense. We have here at this
camp seven regiments, and in the same command, at posts in the
neighborhood, six others—say, ten thousand good men. The General
and the men feel confident that they can whip twice that
number of the enemy, at least. For the last three days I have been a witness of the
most stirring events of modern times. On my arrival here,
I found the government so absorbed in the great battle
pending, that I found it useless to talk of the special business
that brought me to this place. As soon as it is over,
which will probably be to-morrow, I think that I can easily
accomplish all that I was sent for. I have no doubt that we
can procure another general and more forces, etc. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 35 | Author: | Robinson
Morgan Poitiaux
1876-1943 | Add | | | Title: | The Burning of the Rotunda | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Now that the Whirl-i-gig of Time has once more brought
'round to us the Month of May, and, with its closing days, the
Centennial Celebration of the University, it has seemed not
inappropriate that we should have an illustrated re-print of
The Burning of the Rotunda; which, in the October, 1905,
issue of the University of Virginia Magazine, described
the event as "that fortunate catastrophe which, by reason of
the renewed energy and vigor which it has instilled into our
alumni and all lovers of higher education in this state, may
with some justice be characterized as the second epoch in the
history of the University,—the founding being reckoned as the
first and the Installation of Dr. Alderman as the third." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 36 | Author: | Phillips
Ulrich Bonnell
1877-1934 | Add | | | Title: | American Negro Slavery | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | THE Portuguese began exploring the west coast of Africa
shortly before Christopher Columbus was born; and no
sooner did they encounter negroes than they began to
seize and carry them in captivity to Lisbon. The court chronicler
Azurara set himself in 1452, at the command of Prince
Henry, to record the valiant exploits of the negro-catchers. Reflecting
the spirit of the time, he praised them as crusaders bringing
savage heathen for conversion to civilization and Christianity.
He gently lamented the massacre and sufferings involved,
but thought them infinitely outweighed by the salvation of souls.
This cheerful spirit of solace was destined long to prevail
among white peoples when contemplating the hardships of the
colored races. But Azurara was more than a moralizing annalist.
He acutely observed of the first cargo of captives brought
from southward of the Sahara, less than a decade before his
writing, that after coming to Portugal "they never more tried to
fly, but rather in time forgot all about their own country," that
"they were very loyal and obedient servants, without malice";
and that "after they began to use clothing they were for the most
part very fond of display, so that they took great delight in robes
of showy colors, and such was their love of finery that they
picked up the rags that fell from the coats of other people of
the country and sewed them on their own garments, taking great
pleasure in these, as though it were matter of some greater
perfection."1
1 Gomez Eannes de Azurara, Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of
Guinea, translated by C. R. Beazley and E. P. Prestage, in the Hakluyt Society
Publications, XCV, 85.
These few broad strokes would portray with
equally happy precision a myriad other black servants born centuries
after the writer's death and dwelling in a continent of
whose existence he never dreamed, Azurara wrote further that
while some of the captives were not able to endure the change
and died happily as Christians, the others, dispersed among Portuguese
households, so ingratiated themselves that many were
set free and some were married to men and women of the land
and acquired comfortable estates. This may have been an earnest
of future conditions in Brazil and the Spanish Indies; but
in the British settlements it fell out far otherwise. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 37 | Author: | Thomas
Isaiah
1749-1831 | Add | | | Title: | The History of Printing in America, with a Biography of Printers, and an Account of Newspapers ... | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "At a Council held at the Council Chamber in Boston,
Tuesday Dec. 10th, 1771. The art of printing was first introduced into Spanish
America, as early as the middle of the sixteenth century.
The historians, whose works I have consulted, are all
silent as to the time when it was first practiced on the
American continent; and the knowledge we have of the
Spanish territories, especially of Mexico and Peru, is so
circumscribed, that we cannot fix on any precise date as
the period of its commencement; but it is certain that
printing was executed, both in Mexico and Peru, long
before it made its appearance in the British North American
colonies. I do not mean to assert, however, that it is
impossible to ascertain the place where, and the exact date
when, the first printing was performed in the extensive
provinces belonging to Spain in America; but as respects
myself, I have found that insurmountable difficulties have
attended the inquiry.1
1 When Mr. Thomas wrote his History of Printing in America, little was
known of its introduction in Spanish America. All the works he had
consulted on the subject were silent as to the time. Historians of the art
were ignorant on this point, for the reason that if there existed in Europe
any specimens of very early printing in America, the investigator did
not know under what name to search for them. A writer sixty years
ago is excusable for the lack of correct information, since Mr. Humphreys,
one of the highest authorities and most recent authors on the history of
printing, says that the art "was introduced in America by Mendoza in
1566, his printer being Antonio Espinoza." (Hist. Art of Printing.
Lond., 1868, p. 206). Rather than attempt to alter Mr. Thomas's remarks,
we have preferred to give in the appendix a new article on the history
of printing in Spanish America, which has been furnished us by Hon.
John R. Bartlett, of Providence, R. I. See Appendix A.—H.
"The bible is now about half done; and constant progresse
therin is made; the other halfe is like to bee finished
in a yeare; the future charge is vncertain; wee have heer
with sent twenty coppies of the New Testament [in Indian]
to bee disposed of as youer honors shall see meet. The
trust youer honors hath seen meet to repose in vs for the
manageing of this worke we shall endeauor in all faithfulness
to discharge. Wee craue leave att present for the
preuenting of an objection that may arise concerning the
particulars charged for the printing wherin you will find
2 sheets att three pounds ten shillings a sheet, and the
rest butt att 50 shillings a sheet, the reason wherof lyes
heer: It pleased the honored corporation to send ouer one
Marmeduke Johnson a printer to attend the worke on
condition as they will enforme you; whoe hath caryed
heer very vnworthyly of which hee hath bine openly Convicted
and sencured in some of our Courts although as
yett noe execution of sentence against him: peculiare
fauor haueing bine showed him with respect to the corporation
that sent him ouer; but notwithstanding all
patience and lenitie vsed towards him hee hath proued
uery idle and nought and absented himselfe from the
worke more than halfe a yeare att one time; for want of
whose assistance the printer [Green] by his agreement
with vs was to haue the allowance of 21 lb. the which is
to bee defallcated out of his sallery in England by the
honored Corporation there." "By his Excellency.—I order Benjamin Harris to print the Acts
and Laws made by the Great and General Court, or Assembly of
Their Majesties Province of Massachusetts Bay in New England,
that so the people may be informed thereof. "Whereas one Samuel Keimer, who lately came into
this Province of Pennsylvania, hath Printed and Published
divers Papers, particularly one Entituled A Parable, &c.,
in some Parts of which he assumes to use such a Stile and
Language, as that perhaps he may be Deemed, where he is
not known, to be one of the People called Quakers. This
may therefore Certifie, That the said Samuel Keimer is
not one of the said People, nor Countenanced by them in
the aforesaid Practices. Signed by Order of the Monthly
Meeting of the said People called Quakers, held at Philadelphia,
the 29th Day of the Ninth Month, 1723. "Whereas there hath been lately Published and Spread
abroad in this Province and elsewhere, a lying Pamphlet,
called an Almanack, set out and Printed by Samuel Keimer,
to reproach, ridicule, and rob an honest Man of his Reputation,
and strengthening his Adversaries, and not only
so, but he hath Notoriously Branded the Gospel Minister
of the Church of England with ignominious Names, for
Maintaining a Gospel Truth, and reproacheth all the Professors
of Christ and Christianity, as may be seen in his
Almanack in the Month of December; now all judicious
Readers may fairly see what this Man's Religion Consisteth
in, only in his Beard and his sham keeping of the Seventh
Day Sabbath, following Christ only for Loaves and Fishes.
This may give Notice to the Author of this Mischief, that
if he do not readily Condemn what he hath done, and
Satisfy the Abused, he may expect to be Prosecuted as the
Law shall direct. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 38 | Author: | Siebert
Wilbur Henry
1866-1961 | Add | | | Title: | The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Historians who deal with the rise and culmination of the
anti-slavery movement in the United States have comparatively
little to say of one phase of it that cannot be neglected
if the movement is to be fully understood. This is the so-called
Underground Railroad, which, during, fifty years or
more, was secretly engaged in helping fugitive slaves to
reach places of security in the free states and in Canada.
Henry Wilson speaks of the romantic interest attaching to
the subject, and illustrates the coöperative efforts made by
abolitionists in behalf of colored refugees in two short chapters
of the second volume of his Rise and Fall of the Slave
Power in America.1
1 Chapters VI and VII, pp. 61–86. B
Von Hoist makes several references to
the work of the Road in his well-known History of the United
States, and predicts that "The time will yet come, even in
the South, when due recognition will be given to the touching
unselfishness, simple magnanimity and glowing love of
freedom of these law-breakers on principle, who were for the
most part people without name, money, or higher education."2
2 Vol. III, p. 552, foot-note.
Rhodes in his great work, the History of the United
States from the Compromise of 1850, mentions the system, but
considers it only as a manifestation of popular sentiment.1
1 History of the United States, Vol. II, pp. 74–77, 361, 362.
Other writers give less space to an account of this enterprise,
although it was one that extended throughout many Northern
states, and in itself supplied the reason for the enactment of
the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, one of the most remarkable
measures issuing from Congress during the whole anti-slavery
struggle. Dear Sir,—I received yours of the 26th ult. and was very glad
to hear from it that Stephen Quixot had such good luck in getting
his family from Virginia, but we began to be very uneasy about
them as we did not hear from them again until last Saturday, . . .
we then heard they were on the route leading through Summerfield,
but that the route from there to Somerton was so closely
watched both day and night for some time past on account of the
human cattle that have lately escaped from Virginia, that they
could not proceed farther on that route. So we made an arrangement
with the Summerfield friends to meet them on Sunday evening
about ten miles west of this and bring them on to this
route . . . the abolitionists of the west part of this county have
had very difficult work in getting them all off without being caught,
as the whole of that part of the country has been filled with
Southern blood hounds upon their track, and some of the abolitionists'
houses have been watched day and night for several days
in succession. This evening a company of eight Virginia hounds
passed through this place north on the hunt of some of their two-legged
chattels. . . . Since writing the above I have understood
that something near twenty Virginians including the eight above
mentioned have just passed through town on their way to the
Somerton neighborhood, but I do not think they will get much information
about their lost chattels there. . . . Business is aranged for Saturday
night be on the lookout and if practicable
let a cariage come & meet the carawan Dear Sir:—By to-morrow evening's mail, you will receive two
volumes of the "Irrepressible Conflict" bound in black. After
perusal, please forward, and oblige, Dear Grinnell:—Uncle Tom says if the roads are not too bad
you can look for those fleeces of wool by to-morrow. Send them
on to test the market and price, no back charges. Dear Sir:—I understand you are a friend to the poor and
are willing to obey the heavenly mandate, "Hide the outcasts,
betray not him that wandereth." Believing this, and at the
request of Stephen Fairfax (who has been permitted in divine
providence to enjoy for a few days the kind of liberty which
Ohio gives to the man of colour), I would be glad if you could
find out and let me know by letter what are the prospects if any
and the probable time when, the balance of the family will make
the same effort to obtain their inalienable right to life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. Their friends who have gone
north are very anxious to have them follow, as they think it
much better to work for eight or ten dollars per month than
to work for nothing. Dear Friend,—The contributions of the churches in behalf of
the fugitive slaves I think have about all come in. I herewith
inclose you a schedule thereof, amounting in all to about $800,
being but little more than half as much as they contributed in 1851. . . . I have got some nice books (old ones) coming across
the water. But, alas me! such is the state of the poor fugitive
slaves, that I must attend to living men, and not to dead books,
and all this winter my time has been occupied with these poor
souls. The Vigilance Committee appointed me spiritual counsellor
of all fugitive slaves in Massachusetts while in peril. . . . The
Fugitive Slave Law has cost me some months of time already. I
have refused about sixty invitations to lecture and delayed the
printing of my book—for that! Truly the land of the pilgrims
is in great disgrace! "There was committed to the jail in Warren County, Kentucky,
as runaway slave, on the 29th September, 1862, a negro man calling
himself Jo Miner. He says he is free, but has nothing to
show to establish the fact. He is about thirty-five years of age,
very dark copper color, about five feet eight inches high, and will
weigh one hundred and fifty pounds. The owner can come forward,
prove property, and pay charges, or he will be dealt with as
the law requires. Dear Sir at the suggestion of friend Judge Conway I address
you these few hastily written lines. I see I am expected to give
you some information as to the present condition of the U.G.R.R.
in Kansas or more particularly at the Lawrence depot. In order
that you may fully understand the present condition of affairs I
shall ask your permission to relate a small bit of the early history
of this, the only paying, R. R. in Kansas. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 40 | Author: | Fenollosa
Ernest Francisco
1853-1908 | Add | | | Title: | "Noh", or, Accomplishment | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Our ancestor was called Umegu Hiogu no Kami
Tomotoki. He was the descendant in the ninth
generation of Tachibana no Moroye Sadaijin, and
lived in Umedzu Yamashiro, hence his family name.
After that he lived in Oshima, in the province of
Tamba, and died in the fourth year of Ninwa
Moroye's descendant, the twenty-second after Tomotoki,
was called Hiogu no Kami Tomosato. He
was a samurai in Tamba, as his fathers before him.
The twenty-eighth descendant was Hiogu no Kami
Kagehisa. His mother dreamed that a Noh mask
was given from heaven; she conceived, and Kagehisa
was born. From his childhood Kagehisa liked
music and dancing, and he was by nature very
excellent in both of these arts. The Emperor
Gotsuchi Mikado heard his name, and in January
in the 13th year of Bunmei he called him to his
palace and made him perform the play Ashikari.
Kagehisa was then sixteen years old. The Emperor
admired him greatly and gave him the decoration
(Monsuki) and a curtain which was purple above
and white below, and he gave him the honorific
ideograph "waka" and thus made him change his
name to Umewaka. By the Emperor's order,
Ushoben Fugiwara no Shunmei sent the news of
this and the gifts to Kagehisa. The letter of the
Emperor, given at that time, is still in our house.
The curtain was, unfortunately, burned in the great
fire of Yedo on the 4th of March in the third year
of Bunka. Kagehisa died in the second year of
Kioroku and after him the family of Umewaka
became professional actors of Noh. Hironaga, the
thirtieth descendant of Umewaka Taiyu Rokuro,
served Ota Nobunaga.1
1Nobunaga died in 1582.
And he was given a territory
of 700 koku in Tamba. And he died in
Nobunaga's battle, Akechi. His son, Taiyu Rokuro
Ujimori, was called to the palace of Tokugawa Iyeyasu
in the fourth year of Keicho, and given a territory
of 100 koku near his home in Tamba. He
died in the third year of Kambun. After that the
family of Umewaka served the Tokugawa shoguns
with Noh for generation after generation down to
the revolution of Meiji (1868). These are the outlines
of the genealogy of my house. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
|
