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University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 (34)
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1Author:  Summers Lewis Preston 1868-1943Add
 Title:  History of southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: 1001-1716. The history of Virginia, from the earliest times until the date of the formation of Washington county by the General Assembly of Virginia, is interesting and instructive, and is necessary to a thorough comprehension of that part of our history subsequent thereto. Capt. Robert Wade marc't from Mayo fort, with 35 men, in order to take a Range to the New River in search of our Enemy Indians. We marcht about three miles that Day to a Plantation, Where Peter Rentfro formerly Lived and took up Camp, where we continued safe that night—Next morning being Sunday, we continued to march about three or four miles, and one Francis New returned back to the Fort, then we had 34 men besides the Capt— We marcht along to a place called Gobeling Town, where we Eat our Brakefast—& so continued our march till late in the afternoon, and took up Camp at the Foot of the Blew Ledge where we continued safe that night—Next morning being Monday, the 14th, Inst. we started early and crossed the Blew Ledge and Fell upon a branch of the Little River, called Pine Creek,— I have the honor to acquaint you in obedience to his Majesty's commands, on the 13th curr't, I met at this place all the principal Chiefs of the upper and lower Cherokee Nations, and on the 14th by his Majesty's royal authority concluded the Treaty with said Indians, ratifying the cession of land lying within the Provinces of South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia by them to his Majesty and His heirs forever, and confirming the Boundary line marked by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, according to the several agreements entered into with said Indians. The line now ultimately confirmed and ratified by said Treaty was as follows: Brothers,—On the 20th day of December last, being in Williamsburg, we received instructions from Lord Botetourt, a great and good man, whom the great King George has sent to preside over his Colony of Virginia, directing us to wait on your father, John Stuart, Esq., Supt. Indian Affairs, in order to have a plan agreed upon for fixing a new Boundary between your people and his Majesty's subjects in the Colony of Virginia. On our way to the place, to our great joy, we met with our good brothers, Judds Friend and the Warrior of Estitoe, who with great readiness took a passage with us from Governor Tryon, to this place where we had the happiness to wait upon your father, Mr. Stuart, and with joint application, represented to him the necessity of taking such measures as may effectually prevent any misunderstanding that might arise between his Majesty's subjects of the Colony of Virginia and our brothers the Cherokees, until a full treaty be appointed and held for the fixing a new Boundary that may give equal justice and satisfaction to the parties concerned, and that his Majesty's subjects, now settled on the lands between Chiswell's Mines, and the Great Island of Holston River, remain in peaceable possession of said lands, until a line is run between them and our good brothers the Cherokees, who will receive full satisfaction for such lands as you, our brothers, shall convey to our Great King for the use of his subjects. His Excellency, the Right Honorable Norborne, the Lord Botetourt, Governor in Chief of the Colony of Virginia, and the King's Council of that Dominion, having ordered us to wait on you and assist in settling the Boundary line between that Colony and the Cherokee Indians, we beg leave to inform you that the line proposed to be marked from Chiswell's Mines to the confluence of the Great Kanawha and the Ohio, would be a great disadvantage to the Crown of Great Britain, and would injure many subjects of Britain that now inhabit that part of the frontier, and have in making that settlement complied with every known rule of government and the laws of that Colony. We, being in very destitute circumstances for want of the ordinances of Christ's house statedly administered amongst us; many of us under very distressing spiritual languishments; and multitudes perishing in our sins for want of the bread of life broken among us; our Sabbaths too much profaned, or at least wasted in melancholy silence at home, our hearts and hands discouraged, and our spirits broken with our mournful condition, so that human language cannot sufficiently paint. Having had the happiness, by the good providence of God, of enjoying part of your labors to our abundant satisfaction, and being universally well satisfied by our experience of your ministerial abilities, piety, literature, prudence and peculiar agreeableness of your qualifications to us in particular as a gospel minister—we do, worthy and dear sir, from our very hearts, and with the most cordial affection and unanimity agree to call, invite and entreat you to undertake the office of a pastor among us, and the care and charge of our precious souls, and upon your accepting of this our call, we do promise that we will receive the word of God from your mouth, attend on your ministry, instruction and reproofs, in public and private, and submit to the discipline which Christ has appointed in his church, administered by you while regulated by the word of God and agreeable to our confession of faith and directory. And that you may give yourself wholly up to the important work of the ministry, we hereby promise to pay you annually the sum of ninety pounds from the time of your accepting this our call; and that we shall behave ourselves towards you with all that dutiful respect and affection that becomes a people towards their minister, using all means within our power to render your life comfortable and happy. We entreat you, worthy and dear sir, to have compassion upon us in this remote part of the world, and accept this our call and invitation to the pastoral charge of our precious and immortal souls, and we shall hold ourselves bound to pray. The following letter is just received from the camp on Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa (as then spelled), dated October 17, 1774: "To be engraved on the Great Seal, Virtus, the genius of the Commonwealth, dressed like an Amazon, resting on a spear with one hand and holding a sword with the other hand and treading on Tyranny, represented by a man prostrate, a crown fallen from his head, a broken chain in his left hand and a scourge in his right. In the exergon the word "Virginia" over the head of Virtus, and underneath the words, "Sic semper tyrannis." On the reverse a groupe, Libertas, with her wand and pileus. On the other side of her Ceres, with the cornucopia in one hand and an ear of wheat in the other. On the other side Eternitas, with globe and phœnix. In the exergon these words: Deus Nobis Hæc Otia Fecit." Some time ago, Mr. Cameron and myself wrote you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the Indians respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made of them on the rivers Wattaga, Nolichucky. We are since informed that you are under great apprenhension of the Indians doing mischief immediately. But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set his friends and allies, the Indians, on his liege subjects: therefore whoever you are, that are willing to join his Majesty's forces as soon as they arrive at the Cherokee nation, by repairing to the King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their families and be free from all danger whatever; yet, that his Majesty's officers may be certain which of you are willing to take up arms in his Majesty's just right, I have thought fit to recommend it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty King George, and that they are ready and willing, whenever called on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America; which paper, as soon as it is signed and sent to me safe by hand, should any of the inhabitants be desirous of knowing how they are to be free from every kind of insult and danger, inform them that his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march them through the Creek to the Chickasaw nation, where five hundred warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession of the frontiers of North Carolina and Virginia, at the same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef, cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price for them by applying to us, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied. The deposition of Jarret Williams taken before me, Anthony Bledsoe, a justice of the peace for the county aforesaid, being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, deposeth and saith: That he left the Cherokee nation on Monday night, the 8th inst. (July); Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening by your messenger. The news is really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians, who are doubtless advised to break with the white people, by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But I cannot conceive that you have anything to fear from the pretended invasion by British troops, by the route they mention. This must, in my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be able to effect. "I hereby certify that when I was ordered by the Executive last summer to take command of an expedition against the Cherokee Indians, it was left to my own choice whether to take the troops down the Tennessee by water, or on horseback, they were to be paid for such pack horses as might be lost without default of the owners. That expedition not being carried on, I was directed by His Excellency the Governor to take command of the militia ordered to suppress the Tories who were at that time rising in arms, and to apply to that purpose the same means and powers which I was invested with for carrying on the Cherokee expedition, under which direction I marched a number of mounted militia to King's mountain, S. C. We have now collected at this place about 1,500 good men, drawn from the counties of Surry, Wilkes, Burke, Washington and Sullivan counties in this State, and Washington county in Virginia, and expect to be joined in a few days by Colonel Clarke, of Georgia, and Colonel Williams, of South Carolina, with about 1,000 more. As we have at this time called out our militia without any orders from the Executives of our different States, and with the view of expelling the enemy out of this part of the country, we think such a body of men worthy of your attention, and would request you to send a general officer immediately to take the command of such troops as may embody in this quarter. Our troops being all militia and but little acquainted with discipline, we would wish him to be a gentleman of address and able to keep up a proper discipline without disgusting the soldiery. Every assistance in our power shall be given the officer you may think proper to take the command of us. Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before an aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who, by their shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, that if you wish to be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters in four days abused by the dregs of mankind; in short, if you wish to deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms in a moment and run to camp. The `Back Water' men have crossed the mountains; McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon you and look out for real men to protect them. I am on my march to you by a road leading from Cherokee Ford, north of King's mountain. Three or four hundred good soldiers could finish this business. Something must be done soon. This is their last push in this quarter. Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances to injure the citizens of America. "A statement of the proceedings of the western army, from the 25th day of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson and the army under his command. On receiving intelligence that Major Ferguson had advanced up as high as Gilberttown, in Rutherford county, and threatened to cross the mountains to the western waters, Colonel Campbell, with 400 men from Washington county, Virginia, Colonel Isaac Shelby with 240 men from Sullivan county, North Carolina, and Lieutenant-Colonel John Sevier with 240 men from Washington county, North Carolina, assembled at Watauga on the 25th day of September, where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, with 160 men from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled before the enemy to the western waters. We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th we were joined by Colonel Cleveland on the Catawba river, with 350 men from the counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly a right to command in chief, on the first day of October we dispatched an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our situation, and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the whole. In the meantime Colonel Campbell was chosen to act as commandant till such general officer should arrive. We marched to the Cowpens, on Broad river in South Carolina, where we were joined by Colonel James Williams, with 400 men, on the evening of the 6th of October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped somewhere near the Cherokee ford of Broad river, about thirty miles distant from us. By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with 900 of the best horsemen, and leave the weak horse and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with 900 of the best horsemen about eight o'clock the same evening, and marching all night came up with the enemy about three o'clock, P. M., of the 7th, who lay encamped on the top of King's mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee ford, in the confidence that they would not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous to the attack, on the march, the following disposition was made: Colonel Shelby's regiment formed a column in the center on the left; Colonel Campbell's regiment another on the right; part of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed in front by Major Winston, and Colonel Sevier's regiment formed a large column on the right wing; the other part of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed by Colonel Cleveland himself, and Colonel Williams' regiment, composed the left wing. In this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the enemy before we were discovered. Colonel Shelby's and Colonel Campbell's regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire while the right and left wings were advancing to surround them, which was done in about five minutes; the greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides; our men in some parts, where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance, two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional ardor to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the top of the ridge to where Colonel Cleveland commanded, and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately hoisted by Captain DePeyster, their commanding officer (Major Ferguson having been killed a little before), for a surrender, our fire immediately ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms, the greatest part of them charged, and surrendered themselves to us prisoners at discretion. I came to this place last night to receive General Gates' directions how to dispose of the prisoners taken at King's mountain, in the State of South Carolina, upon the 7th instant. He has ordered them to be taken over to Montgomery county, where they are to be secured under proper guards. General Gates transmits to your Excellency a state of the proceedings of our little party to the westward. I flatter myself we have much relieved that part of the country from its late distress. "A letter of the 7th from Governor Jefferson was read, inclosing a letter of the first from Major-General Gates with a particular account of the victory obtained by the militia over the enemy at King's mountain, on the 7th of October, last, whereupon Resolved:— Orders have been sent to the county lieutenants of Montgomery and Washington, to furnish 250 of their militia to proceed in conjunction with the Carolinians against the Chickamoggas. You are hereby authorized to take command of said men. Should the Carolinians not have at present such an expedition in contemplation, if you can engage them to concur as volunteers, either at their own expense or that of their State, it is recommended to you to do it. Take great care to distinguish the friendly from the hostile part of the Cherokee nation, and to protect the former while you severely punish the latter. The commissary and quartermaster in the Southern department is hereby required to furnish you all the aid of his department. Should the men, for the purpose of dispatch, furnish horses for themselves to ride, let them be previously appraised, as in cases of impress, and for such as shall be killed, die or be lost in the service without any default of the owner, payment shall be made by the public. An order was lodged with Colonel Preston for 1,000 pounds of powder from the lead mines for this expedition; and you receive herewith an order for 500 pounds of powder from Colonel Fleming for the same purpose, of the expenditure of which you will render account. We came into your country to fight your young men. We have killed not a few of them and destroyed your towns. You know you began the war, by listening to the bad councils of the King of England and the falsehoods told you by his agents. We are now satisfied with what is done, as it may convince your nation that we can distress them much at any time they are so foolish as to engage in a war against us. If you desire peace, as we understand you do, we, out of pity to your women and children, are disposed to treat with you on that subject and take you into our friendship once more. We therefore send this by one of your young men, who is our prisoner, to tell you if you are also disposed to make peace, for six of your head men to come to our agent, Major Martin, at the Great Island within two moons. They will have a safe passport, if they will notify us of their approach by a runner with a flag, so as to give him time to meet them with a guard on Holstein river, at the boundary line. The wives and children of these men of your nation that protested against the war, if they are willing to take refuge at the Great Island until peace is restored, we will give them a supply of provisions to keep them alive. "The fulfillment of this message will require your Excellency's further instructions, and in which I expect North Carolina will assist, or that Congress will take upon themselves the whole. I believe advantageous promises of peace may be easily obtained with a surrender of such an extent of country, that will defray the expenses of war. But such terms will be best insured by placing a garrison of two hundred men under an active officer on the banks of the Tenasee. Your faithful services and the exertions which you made to second the efforts of the Southern army, on the 15th inst., claim my warmest thanks. It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge my entire approbation of your conduct, and the spirited and manly behavior of the officers and soldiers under you. Sensible of your merit, I feel a pleasure in doing justice to it. Most of the riflemen having gone home, and not having it in my power to make up another command, you have my permission to return home to your friends, and should the emergency of the southern operations require your further exertions, I will advertise you. "I am very happy in informing you that the bravery of your battalion, displayed in the action of the 15th, is particularly noticed by the General. It is much to be lamented that a failure took place in the line which lost the day, separated us from the main body and exposed our retreat. I hope your men are safe and that the scattered will collect again. Be pleased to favor me with a return of your loss, and prepare your men for a second battle. "Beginning at a white walnut and buckeye at the ford of Holston next above the Royal Oak, and runneth thence—N. 31 W. over Brushy mountain, one creek, Walker's mountain north fork of Holston, Locust cove, Little mountain, Poor Valley creek, Clinch mountain, and the south fork of Clinch to a double and single sugar trees and two buckeye saplings on Bare grass hill, the west end of Morris' knob, fifteen miles and three quarters. Thence from said knob north crossing the spurs of the same, and Paint Lick mountain the north fork of Clinch by John Hines' plantation, and over the river ridge by James Roark's in the Baptist Valley, to a sugar tree and two white oaks on the head of Sandy five miles, one quarter—twenty poles. I am now going to speak to you about powder. I have in my towns six hundred good hunters, and we have very little powder. I hope you will speak to my elder brother of Virginia, to take pity on us, and send us as much as will make our fall's hunt. He will hear you. We are very poor, but don't love to beg, which our brother knows, as I have never asked him for anything else before. I thank him however for all his past favors to the old towns. I hope he will not refuse this favor I ask of him, I have taken Virginia by the hand, and I do not want to turn my face another way, to a strange people. The Spaniards have sent to me to come and speak to them. I am not going, but some of my people have gone to hear what they have to say. I am sitting still at home with my face towards my elder brother of Virginia, hoping to hear from him soon. I will not take of any strange people till I hear from him. Tell him that when I took hold of your hand, I looked on it as if he had been there. The hold is strong and lasting. I have with this talk sent you a long string of white beads as a confirmation of what I say. My friendship shall be as long as the beads remain white. The memorial of the Freemen inhabitating the Country Westward of the Alleghany or Appalachian mountain, and Southward of the Ouasioto* *Indian name for Cumberland mountain. Humbly sheweth: "Your Deputies, after mature consideration, have agreed to address you on the subject of your Public Affairs, well knowing that there is only wanting an exact and candid examination into the facts to know whether you have been well served or abused by your Representatives, whether Government has been wisely administered and whether your rights and Liberties are secure. As members of the Civil Society, you will acknowledge that there are duties of importance and lasting obligation which must take place before individual conveniences or private interest, but it must be granted that in free Communities the laws are only obligatory when made consonant with the constitution or Original Compact; for it is the only means of the surrender then made, the power therein given and the right ariseth to Legislate at all. Hence it is evident that the power of Legislators is in the nature of trusts to form Regulations for the good of the whole, agreeable to the powers delegated, and the deposite put into the General stock, and the end proposed is to obtain the greatest degree of happiness and safety, not for the few but for the many. To attain these ends and these only, men are induced to give up a portion of their natural Liberty and Property when they enter into society. From this it is plain that Rulers may exceed their trust, may invade the remaining portion of natural liberty and property, which would be a usurpation, a breach of solemn obligation and ultimately a conspiracy against the majesty of the people, the only treason that can be committed in a commonwealth. A much admired writer on the side of Liberty begins his work with the following remarkable sentence, which we transcribe for your information, and entreat you to read and ponder well: After having been honored lately with the receipt of several of your Excellency's letters, particularly that of the 17th of May last, and the several communications made in consequence of them, particularly my letter of the 13th of June, the principal officers and the Whig interest in this county seemed to rest satisfied that an amicable and enlightened administration would pave the way to the Legislature and to Congress for the efficient and permanent redress of the principal, and in some cases the almost intolerable grievances of the western inhabitants. But while secure in this confidence, we have to lament that the voice of calumny and faction has reached the seat of supreme rule, and that, without a constitutional enquiry, without a fair hearing, it has been in some degree listened to, and had effect. It is hard to defend when it is not known what we are charged with, and at all times who can disarm private pique, or be able to withstand malice and envy without feeling some smart. But political fury, engendered by Tory principles, knows no bounds and is without a parallel. Bernard and Hutchison have exhibited to Governors and the world, examples that ought to teach wisdom to this and succeeding generations. We are told (but it is only from report) that we have offended government on account of our sentiments being favorable to a new State, and our looking forward for a separation. If such a disposition is criminal, I confess there are not a few in this county to whom guilt may be imputed, and to many respectable characters in other counties on the western waters. If we wish for a separation it is on account of grievances that daily become more and more intolerable, it is from a hope that another mode of governing will make us more useful than we are now to the general confederacy, or ever can be whilst so connected. But why can blame fall on us, when our aim is to conduct measures in an orderly manner, and strictly consistent with the Constitution. Surely men who have bound themselves by every holy tie to support republican principles, cannot on a dispassionate consideration blame us. Our want of experience and knowledge may be a plea against us. We deplore our situation and circumstances on that account, but at the same time firmly believe that our advances to knowledge will still continue slow, perhaps verge towards ignorance and barbarism, without the benefit of local independent institutions. THE MEMORIAL OF ARTHUR CAMPBELL. It is with great concern that we hear that a number of your Towns' people have lately been killed by some white men between Clinch river and Cumberland mountain, and that you blame the Virginians for it. As to who done it, I cannot certainly say, but have heard that one hundred men from Kentucky had gone towards Chickamogga Towns to take satisfaction for the murder that was done on the Kentucky path last October, and what made the people exceedingly angry, was that they heard their Captives, mostly women, were all burnt in the Chickamogga Towns. "August 26, 1791, a party of Indians headed by a Captain Bench, of the Cherokee tribe, attacked the house of Elisha Ferris, two miles from Mockison Gap, murdered Mr. Ferris at his house, and made prisoner Mrs. Ferris and her daughter, Mrs. Livingston, and a young child together with Nancy Ferris. All but the latter were cruelly murdered the first day of their captivity. "About 10 o'clock in the morning, as I was sitting in my house, the fierceness of the dog's barking alarmed me. I looked out and saw seven Indians approaching the house, armed and painted in a frightful manner. No person was then within, but a child of ten years old, and another of two, and my sucking infant. My husband and his brother Henry had just before walked out to a barn at some distance in the field. My sister-in-law, Susanna, was with the remaining children in an out-house. Old Mrs. Livingston was in the garden. I immediately shut and fastened the door; they (the Indians) came furiously up, and tried to burst it open, demanding of me several times to open the door, which I refused. They then fired two guns; one ball pierced through the door, but did me no damage. I then thought of my husband's rifle, took it down but it being double triggered, I was at a loss; at length I fired through the door, but it not being well aimed I did no execution; however the Indians retired from that place and soon after that an old adjoining house was on fire, and I and my children suffering much from the smoke. I opened the door and an Indian immediately advanced and took me prisoner, together with the two children. I then discovered that they had my remaining children in their possession, my sister Sukey, a wench with her young child, a negro man of Edward Callihan's and a negro boy of our own about eight years old. They were fearful of going into the house I left, to plunder, supposing that it had been a man that shot at them, and was yet within. So our whole clothing and household furniture were consumed in the flames, which I was then pleased to see, rather than that it should be of use to the savages. Whereas by the wrong doing of men it hath been the unfortunate lot of the following negroes to be slaves for life, to-wit: Vina, Adam, Nancy sen., Nancy, Kitty and Selah. And whereas believing the same have come into my possession by the direction of Providence, and conceiving from the clearest conviction of my conscience aided by the power of a good and just God, that it is both sinful and unjust, as they are by nature equally free with myself, to continue them in slavery, I do, therefore, by these presents, under the influence of a duty I not only owe my conscience, but the just God who made us all, make free the said negroes hoping while they are free of man they will faithfully serve their Maker through the merits of Christ. Whereas my negro man John (alias) John Broady, claims a promise of freedom from his former master General William Campbell, for his faithful attendance on him at all times, and more particularly while he was in the army in the last war, and I who claim the said negro in right of my wife, daughter of the said General William Campbell, feeling a desire to emancipate the said negro man John, as well for the fulfillment of the above-mentioned promise, as the gratification of being instrumental of prompting a participation of liberty to a fellow creature, who by nature is entitled thereto, do by these presents for myself, my heirs, executors and administrators fully emancipate and make free to all intents and purposes the said negro man John (alias) John Broady from me forever. As witness my hand and seal, this 20th day of September, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. ATTENTION! "ATTENTION!" "THE TOCSIN OF PATRIOTISM. "INFANTRY! To the Freeholders of the County of Washington. NOTICE! "ATTENTION! "COMPANY ORDERS! ATTENTION RIFLEMEN! VOLUNTEER RIFLEMEN. "ATTENTION! Resolved, That it is expedient for the carrying out of the objects of this meeting that the committee hereby appointed shall solicit the concurrent support of the people of Russell, Tazewell, Washington, Smyth, Wythe, Mercer, Giles, Boone, Monroe, Logan, Wyoming, Kanawha, Fayette and Greenbrier counties, in behalf of obtaining a survey for the Virginia and Tennessee railroad from New river along Walker's creek and Holston Valley, passing the Gypsum bank and Salt Works to the Tennessee line for intersection with the Tennessee railroad at the most convenient point. Resolved, That this convention highly approve of the proposed General Railroad Convention to be held at New Orleans, on the first Monday in January next, and request the appointment by the president, on its behalf, of five delegates thereto. Abingdon Academy! In reply to yours of the 16th instant in reference to the Stonewall Jackson Institute, I assure you that any scheme designed to perpetuate the recollections of the virtue and patriotism of General Jackson meets with my approval. As he was a friend of learning, I know of no more effective and appropriate method of accomplishing the praiseworthy object in question than the establishment of an institution in which the young women of our country may be trained for the important and responsible duties of life. I hope the institution established by the people of Southwest Virginia, and dedicated to the memory of General T. J. Jackson, may meet with entire success and prove a blessing to the State. Pursuant to an order of court, we the subscribers have laid off the Prison Bounds, as in the annexed Platt. Beginning at the N. W. corner of the gaol at a stump S. 35° E. 40 poles, crossing the road at 3 forked white oak saplings; thence N. 62° E. 35 poles crossing a creek at the old fording at a large white oak tree by the north side of the road; thence N. 32° W. 30 poles crossing said creek N. E. of head of a spring at a white oak stake and an old black stump; and thence to a white oak sapling on a N. E. stony bank on Mr. Willoughby's lot; thence S. 62° W. 36 poles to the north end of the prison house at the beginning. "In obedience to an act of the assembly entitled "An act for extending the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina." I enclose you a copy of a law, with a proclamation of the Governor of Virginia, by the same conveyance. I am instructed to exercise the authority of the State to the boundary, usually called Walker's line. In this business, it is the wish of the Executive that the subordinate officers conduct themselves in an amicable manner to the inhabitants over which North Carolina formerly exercised Jurisdiction, and with due respect to the authority of the Government south of the River Ohio; these orders are perfectly consonant to my own feelings and sentiments. Therefore, Sir, if you have any objections to make to the change taking place, or anything to ask in favor of the people, it will be respectfully attended to by me and immediately reported to the Governor of Virginia. The enclosed letter from the commanding officer of the militia of Sullivan county, seems to be an avowal of an opposition to an act of our Legislature, for establishing Walker's line as the boundary line to this State. "In obedience to commissions respectively conferred upon us under an act of the legislature of the State of Virginia passed the 18th day of March, 1856, and an act of the legislature of the State of Tennessee, passed the 1st day of March, 1858, authorizing the executives of each of said States respectively to appoint commissioners `to again run and mark' the boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, we the undersigned commissioners, proceeded to discharge the duties assigned us, and beg leave to submit the following as our joint action: Our first object was to determine the duty with which we were charged under the acts of both states, which we found to be substantially the same and both exceedingly vague and indefinite. Herewith I submit a map of the boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, as traced and remarked by the field party in my charge under your direction. The territory in the form of a triangle, lying between the top of Little mountain and the red lines on the map in what is known as "Denton's Valley," has heretofore been recognized by the citizens residing therein as included in the State of Virginia, and the top of Little mountain is recognized as the boundary line. To this supposed boundary both States have heretofore exercised jurisdiction, and north of the summit of the mountain the citizens residing in the triangle have derived their land titles from the State of Virginia; they have there voted, been taxed, and exercised all the rights of citizens of that State. The line, though plainly marked from the top of Little mountain westward nearly to the river, and the cross line at Denton's Valley running south twenty-two west and connecting the north and south lines, seem not to have been recognized as the boundary line, the very existence even of the cross line being unknown until we discovered it; but it is also well defined and so distinctly marked as to leave no doubt that it was run and marked in 1802. With this single exception, the line as traced by us has been, as far as we are able to ascertain, recognized throughout its entire length for fifty-seven years as the true boundary line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee. The latitude, as marked on the map east of Bristol and at Cumberland Gap, was carefully determined by Professor Keith with a "zenith transit" or transit instrument, the most modern and improved astronomical instrument now in use, and may be relied upon as perfectly accurate, except at Bristol, and that was ascertained under disadvantageous circumstances, but it is believed to be nearly correct. West of Bristol, except at Cumberland Gap, the latitude was determined by Lieutenant Francis T. Byan, of the corps of United States topographical engineers, with a "sextant," and may also be relied upon as correctly determined. In your letter of instructions to observe the Solar Eclipse of August 7th, at or near Bristol, Tenn., you also directed me to comply, if practicable, with the request made by the President of Washington College, Virginia, to connect the station at Bristol, the position of which would be astronomically determined, with one or more of the monuments which mark the boundary line of the State of Virginia in that vicinity, so that the longitude and latitude thereof may be accurately known. Your commissioners, appointed by decree of this honorable court, dated April 30, 1900, to ascertain, retrace, re-mark and re-establish the boundary line established between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, by the compact of 1803, which was actually run and located under proceedings had by the two States, in 1801-1803, and was then marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond, and which ran from White Top mountain to Cumberland Gap, respectfully represent that they have completed the duties assigned to them by the said decree of April 30, 1900, that they have remarked and retraced the said boundary line as originally run and marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond in the year 1802, and that for the better securing of the same they have placed upon the said line, besides other durable marks, monuments of cut limestone, four and a half feet long and seven inches square on top, with V's cut on their north faces and T's on their south faces, set three and a half feet in the ground, conveniently located as hereinafter more fully described, so that the citizens of each State and others, by reasonable diligence, may readily find the true location of said boundary; all of which is more particularly set forth in the detailed report of their operations which your commissioners herewith beg to submit, together with two maps explanatory of the same, a list of the several permanent monuments and other durable marks, and a complete bill of costs and charges. And your commissioners further pray that this honorable court accept and confirm this report; that the line as marked on the ground by said commissioners in the years 1901 and 1902 be declared to be the real, certain and true boundary between the States of Tennessee and Virginia; that your commissioners be allowed their expenses and reasonable charges for their own services in these premises, as shown on the bill of costs which forms a part of this report; and finally that your commissioners be discharged from further proceedings in these premises. Please pay to Mr. Andrew Jackson or order two thousand five hundred one dollars sixty-seven cents which place to account of Col. James King Dec'd Aug. 17th 1825 Aged 73 years A Patriot of 1776. Had I seen you when at Huntsville I should have spoken to you and recommended to your kind attention Major John Campbell, lately of the Council of State in Virginia, now a resident of Alabama. I consider him a young man of great merit for integrity, strength and correctness of judgment and purity of political principles. In his welfare I take great interest. Well knowing his merit, I have thought it proper to communicate to you the sense I entertain of it, in the hope that it might be of some service to him.
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2Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Add
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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3Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Add
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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4Author:  Thatcher B. B. (Benjamin Bussey) 1809-1840Add
 Title:  Memoir of Phillis Wheatley  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
 Description: Not a great many of the younger readers of this little book may know much about Slavery, though they have all heard and read, of course, that such a thing exists, and that even in the southern and western parts of our own country. I do not intend here to discuss the nature of it, or the circumstances that gave rise to it in the first instance, or the effect it is believed to have on the country and the people in and among which it is found. All these matters are more proper for another place. My object is simply to call the attention of those who feel an interest in the condition and character of the African race, to some particulars respecting individuals of that race, who have, at different times, been slaves in different parts of this country, and whose characters were quite too interesting to be passed over by the historian in utter silence.
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5Author:  Wheatley Phillis 1753-1784Add
 Title:  Poems on various subjects, religious and moral  
 Published:  2006 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text 
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6Author:  Duganne A. J. H. (Augustine Joseph Hickey) 1823-1884Add
 Title:  Bianca, or, The star of the valley  
 Published:  2001 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: DUSK was deepening over the Alpine summits, and huge shadows stalked slowly downward, broadening gloomily through the valleys. All nature was sinking into the sealed quiet of a winter's night, only to be broken, during the long hours, by the rumbling thunders of shifting fields of snow in the passes and declivities of the mountains, or perchance the sudden rushing crash of an avalanchine slide of gathered ice, bearing terror and destruction to the slumbering villages below.
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7Author:  Duganne A. J. H. (Augustine Joseph Hickey) 1823-1884Add
 Title:  The Prince Corsair, or, The three brothers of Guzan  
 Published:  2001 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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8Author:  Duganne A. J. H. (Augustine Joseph Hickey) 1823-1884Add
 Title:  The tenant-house, or,, Embers from poverty's hearthstone  
 Published:  2001 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: WHEN a stranger, under guidance and protection of police, or a home missionary, fearlessly breaking bread with outcasts, penetrates some gloomy court or narrow alley in the great Christian city of New York, he beholds destitution and squalor of most repulsive feature: he discovers tottering buildings crowded with sickly and depraved human beings; stalwart, malign-looking men, glancing furtively at every passer-by; brazen-browed women, with foul words upon their reeking lips; children of impure thoughts and actions, leering with wicked precocity. When he enters the wretched abiding-places of these unhappy people, he may find, amid associations of vice and uncleanness, many suffering and patient souls bearing earthly martyrdom with serene trust in their Heavenly Father, and plucking, even out of their “ugly and venomous” adversity, the “jewel” of immortal peace. Such struggling ones do not dwell long in the darkness and dolor of their probation; for the celestial ladders, let down from Mercy's throne, rest quite as often upon the black pavement of a tenant-court as amid the flowers that tesselate a palace garden; and up, unceasingly, on the shining rounds, glide disenthralled spirits of the poor and lowly watchers for their Lord. “Your letter was received yesterday, and I have spent the hours since in weeping and prayer. I have prayed for you, dear Charles! with my heart sobbing, well-nigh to break. O could I ever dream that you would leave me for another? But I must not chide you—God knows how I love you, dearest—I would lay down my life for you cheerfully, without a murmur. But it is a hard sacrifice you require of me—to give you up to another woman, Charles! when you have sworn to love no other one but your Margaret. You tell me you do not love the lady—that you will marry her only for your worldly prospeets! O Charles! I feel this is all wrong; but, alas! what dare I say to you? I am poor—without fortune but my deep love—God knows, I would resign a throne for your affection, if I were a queen, instead of a portionless girl. Charles! what was it that you said?—O Heaven! did I understand your meaning?—that your love for me would remain unchanged, and we should be happy after your marriage! After your marriage, Charles! Do you not know me better? Do you think I would consent to do wrong, even of my great love for you? No, Charles! after your marriage, we must never meet more! Beloved, bear with me—it is the last time I shall annoy you. You will wed the lady, Charles! Do not wrong her trust!— be kind to her when she becomes your—wife! make her happy! love her—and forget me! I shall not live a great while, dear Charles; for my heart will break, in thinking of the past, and of my hopes, all, all withered. Farewell, dearest! I submit to your wishes, but I must never see you after you are another's. Adieu, Charles!— for the last time, my Charles! God bless and protect you! Dear, dear Charles — husband!—I resign you. Farewell, forever! “My dearest Rebecca,”—so the note ran—“I am thinking of you by day, dreaming of you at night, adoring you always. I have much to tell you, sweet one, and must see you to-day. Fail not to meet me, at the usual hour, at our trysting-place, darling of my soul.
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9Author:  Eggleston Edward 1837-1902Add
 Title:  The Hoosier school-master  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: “WANT to be a school-master, do you? You? Well, what would you do in Flat Crick deestrick, I'd like to know? Why, the boys have driv off the last two, and licked the one afore them like blazes. You might teach a summer school, when nothin' but children come. But I 'low it takes a right smart man to be school-master in Flat Crick in the winter. They'd pitch you out of doors, sonny, neck and heels, afore Christmas.” “Dear Sir: Anybody who can do so good a thing as you did for our Shocky, can not be bad. I hope you will forgive me. All the appearances in the world, and all that anybody says, can not make me think you anything else but a good man. I hope God will reward you. You must not answer this, and you hadn't better see me again, or think any more of what you spoke about the other night. I shall be a slave for three years more, and then I must work for my mother and Shocky; but I felt so bad to think that I had spoken so hard to you, that I could not help writing this. Respectfully, “i Put in my best licks, taint no use. Run fer yore life. A plans on foot to tar an fether or wuss to-night. Go rite off. Things is awful juberous. “This is what I have always been afraid of. I warned you faithfully the last time I saw you. My skirts are clear of your blood. I can not consent for your uncle to appear as your counsel or to go your bail. You know how much it would injure him in the county, and he has no right to suffer for your evil acts. O my dear nephew! for the sake of your poor, dead mother—”
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10Author:  Eggleston Edward 1837-1902Add
 Title:  The mystery of Metropolisville  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: METROPOLISVILLE is nothing but a memory now. If Jonah's gourd had not been a little too much used already, it would serve an excellent turn just here in the way of an apt figure of speech illustrating the growth, the wilting, and the withering of Metropolisville. The last time I saw the place the grass grew green where once stood the City Hall, the corn-stalks waved their banners on the very site of the old store—I ask pardon, the “Emporium”—of Jackson, Jones & Co., and what had been the square, staring white court-house—not a Temple but a Barn of Justice—had long since fallen to base uses. The walls which had echoed with forensic grandiloquence were now forced to hear only the bleating of silly sheep. The church, the school-house, and the City Hotel had been moved away bodily. The village grew, as hundreds of other frontier villages had grown, in the flush times; it died, as so many others died, of the financial crash which was the inevitable sequel and retribution of speculative madness. Its history resembles the history of other Western towns of the sort so strongly, that I should not take the trouble to write about it, nor ask you to take the trouble to read about it, if the history of the town did not involve also the history of certain human lives—of a tragedy that touched deeply more than one soul. And what is history worth but for its human interest? The history of Athens is not of value on account of its temples and statues, but on account of its men and women. And though the “Main street” of Metropolisville is now a country road where the dog-fennel blooms almost undisturbed by comers and goers, though the plowshare remorselessly turns over the earth in places where corner lots were once sold for a hundred dollars the front foot, and though the lot once sacredly set apart (on the map) as “Depot Ground” is now nothing but a potato-patch, yet there are hearts on which the brief history of Metropolisville has left traces ineffaceable by sunshine or storm, in time or eternity. “I should have come to see you and told you about my trip to Metropolisville, but I am obliged to go out of town again. I send this by Mr. Canton, and also a request to the warden to pass this and your answer without the customary inspection of contents. I saw your mother and your step-father and your friend Miss Marlay. Your mother is failing very fast, and I do not think it would be a kindness for me to conceal from you my belief that she can not live many weeks. I talked with her and prayed with her as you requested, but she seems to have some intolerable mental burden. Miss Marlay is evidently a great comfort to her, and, indeed, I never saw a more faithful person than she in my life, or a more remarkable exemplification of the beauty of a Christian life. She takes every burden off your mother except that unseen load which seems to trouble her spirit, and she believes absolutely in your innocence. By the way, why did you never explain to her or to me or to any of your friends the real history of the case? There must at least have been extenuating circumstances, and we might be able to help you. “Dear Sir: You have acted very honorably in writing me as you have, and I admire you now more than ever. You fulfill my ideal of a Christian. I never had the slightest claim or the slightest purpose to establish any claim on Isabel Marlay, for I was so blinded by self-conceit, that I did not appreciate her until it was too late. And now! What have I to offer to any woman? The love of a convicted felon! A name tarnished forever! No! I shall never share that with Isa Marlay. She is, indeed, the best and most sensible of women. She is the only woman worthy of such a man as you. You are the only man I ever saw good enough for Isabel. I love you both. God bless you! “Dear Sir: Your poor mother died yesterday. She suffered little in body, and her mind was much more peaceful after her last interview with Mr. Lurton, which resulted in her making a frank statement of the circumstances of the land-warrant affair. She afterward had it written down, and signed it, that it might be used to set you free. She also asked me to tell Miss Minorkey, and I shall send her a letter by this mail. I am so glad that your innocence is to be proved at last. I have said nothing about the statement your mother made to any one except Miss Minorkey, because I am unwilling to use it without your consent. You have great reason to be grateful to Mr. Lurton. He has shown himself your friend, indeed. I think him an excellent man. He comforted your mother a great deal. You had better let me put the writing your mother left, into his hands. I am sure he will secure your freedom for you. “My Dear, Good Friend: The death of my mother has given me a great deal of sorrow, though it did not surprise me. I remember now how many times of late years I have given her needless trouble. For whatever mistakes her personal peculiarities led her into, she was certainly a most affectionate mother. I can now see, and the reflection causes me much bitterness, that I might have been more thoughtful of her happiness without compromising my opinions. How much trouble my self-conceit must have given her! Your rebuke on this subject has been very fresh in mind since I heard of her death. And I am feeling lonely, too. Mother and Katy have gone, and more distant relatives will not care to know an outlaw. “My Dear Miss Marlay: I find that I can not even visit you without causing remarks to be made, which reflect on you. I can not stay here without wishing to enjoy your society, and you can not receive the visits of a `jail-bird,' as they call me, without disgrace. I owe everything to you, and it would be ungrateful, indeed, in me to be a source of affliction and dishonor to you. I never regretted my disgrace so much as since I talked with you last night. If I could shake that off, I might hope for a great happiness, perhaps.
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11Author:  English Thomas Dunn 1819-1902Add
 Title:  Ambrose Fecit, or, The peer and the printer  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: I must have been about eighteen years old, or thereabouts, when, on a holiday in June, I walked out, and strolled by the high road to the country beyond Puttenham. The highway led me to a common over which it crossed; and there, musing over the commonplace events of the week, I wandered over the knolls of gravelly soil, and among the furze-bushes, watching the donkies as they cropped the scanty blades of grass, and indulged occasionally in a tit-bit, in the way of a juicy thistle. Tired at length, I sat me down to rest under a thorn-bush by the road-side, and was thus seated when I heard the sound of voices. Looking up, I saw a man approach, who was leading by the hand a little girl who appeared to be about ten years of age. I was struck with the appearance of the couple, and so scanned them closely. “My dear young friend—A letter, received as you left us last night, called me direct to London, without an opportunity to bid you more than this farewell, or to express, as I ought, my sense of your kindness. Zara sends her love to you, and the enclosed souvenir. May God have you in his holy keeping. “Herewith you have a copy of my portrait of little Zara, whose untimely fate in being whisked away by a grim, grey-bearded ogre, you have so much lamented. I think that I have not only caught the features, but the whole spirit of her extraordinary face. I should like your criticism on that point, for you were so fond of her that her expression must be firmly fixed on your mind. “My dear Ambrose:—Read this letter as carefully as you like, and then—burn it. “My dear Ambrose:—You have been nearly four years absent from England, and I have done my best to send and keep you away. Now, I write to you to urge you to come back.
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12Author:  unknownAdd
 Title:  Good company for every day in the year  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: I CONFESS it, I am keenly sensitive to “skyey influences.” I profess no indifference to the movements of that capricious old gentleman known as the clerk of the weather. I cannot conceal my interest in the behavior of that patriarchal bird whose wooden similitude gyrates on the church spire. Winter proper is well enough. Let the thermometer go to zero if it will; so much the better, if thereby the very winds are frozen and unable to flap their stiff wings. Sounds of bells in the keen air, clear, musical, heart-inspiring; quick tripping of fair moccasoned feet on glittering ice-pavements; bright eyes glancing above the uplifted muff like a sultana's behind the folds of her yashmack; school-boys coasting down street like mad Greenlanders; the cold brilliance of oblique sunbeams flashing back from wide surfaces of glittering snow or blazing upon ice-jewelry of tree and roof. There is nothing in all this to complain of. A storm of summer has its redeeming sublimities, — its slow, upheaving mountains of cloud glooming in the western horizon like new-created volcanoes, veined with fire, shattered by exploding thunders. Even the wild gales of the equinox have their varieties, — sounds of wind-shaken woods, and waters, creak and clatter of sign and casement, hurricane puffs and down-rushing rain-spouts. But this dull, dark autumn day of thaw and rain, when the very clouds seem too spiritless and languid to storm outright or take themselves out of the way of fair weather; wet beneath and above, reminding one of that rayless atmosphere of Dante's Third Circle, where the infernal Priessnitz administers his hydropathic torment, — “A heavy, cursed, and relentless drench, — The land it soaks is putrid”; — or rather, as everything, animate and inanimate, is seething in warm mist, suggesting the idea that Nature, grown old and rheumatic, is trying the efficacy of a Thompsonian steam-box on a grand scale; no sounds save the heavy plash of muddy feet on the pavements; the monotonous, melancholy drip from trees and roofs; the distressful gurgling of water-ducts, swallowing the dirty amalgam of the gutters; a dim, leaden-colored horizon of only a few yards in diameter, shutting down about one, beyond which nothing is visible save in faint line or dark projection; the ghost of a church spire or the eidolon of a chimney-pot. He who can extract pleasurable emotions from the alembic of such a day has a trick of alchemy with which I am wholly unacquainted. Whereas Charles Stuart, King of England, is and standeth convicted, attainted and condemned of High Treason and other high Crimes; and Sentence upon Saturday last was pronounced against him by this Court, To be put to death by the severing of his head from his body; of which Sentence execution yet remaineth to be done: “It begins: — `Dear Uncle,' (I had always instructed the child so to call me, rather than father, seeing we can have but one father, while we may be blessed with numerous uncles) `I suppose you will wonder how I came to be at St. Louis, and it is just my being here that I write to explain. You know how my husband felt about Nelly's death, but you cannot know how I felt; for, even in my very great sorrow, I hoped all the time, that by her death, John might be led to a love of religion. He was very unhappy, but he would not show it, only that he took even more tender care of me than before. I have always been his darling and pride; he never let me work, because he said it spoiled my hands; but after Nelly died, he was hardly willing I should breathe; and though he never spoke of her, or seemed to feel her loss, yet I have heard him whisper her name in his sleep, and every morning his hair and pillow were damp with crying; but he never knew I saw it. After a few months, there came a Mormon preacher into our neighborhood, a man of a great deal of talent and earnestness, and a firm believer in the revelation to Joseph Smith. At first my husband did not take any notice of him, and then he laughed at him for being a believer in what seemed like nonsense; but one night he was persuaded to go and hear Brother Marvin preach in the school-house, and he came home with a very sober face. I said nothing, but when I found there was to be a meeting the next night, I asked to go with him, and, to my surprise, I heard a most powerful and exciting discourse, not wanting in either sense or feeling, though rather poor as to argument; but I was not surprised that John wanted to hear more, nor that, in the course of a few weeks, he avowed himself a Mormon, and was received publicly into the sect. Dear Uncle, you will be shocked, I know, and you will wonder why I did not use my influence over my husband, to keep him from this delusion; but you do not know how much I have longed and prayed for his conversion to a religious life; until any religion, even one full of errors, seemed to me better than the hardened and listless state of his mind. “`My first wife, Adeline Frazer Henderson, departed this life on the sixth of July, at my house in the city of Great Salt Lake. Shortly before dying she called upon me, in the presence of two sisters, and one of the Saints, to deliver into your hands the enclosed packet, and tell you of her death. According to her wish, I send the papers by mail; and, hoping you may yet be called to be a partaker in the faith of the saints below, I remain your afflicted, yet rejoicing friend, “To-day I begged John to write, and ask you to come here. I could not write you since I came here but that once, though your letters have been my great comfort, and I added a few words of entreaty to his, because I am dying, and it seems as if I must see you before I die; yet I fear the letter may not reach you, or you may be sick: and for that reason I write now, to tell you how terrible a necessity urged me to persuade you to such a journey. I can write but little at a time, my side is so painful; they call it slow-consumption here, but I know better; the heart within me is turned to stone, I felt it then — Ah! you see my mind wandered in that last line; it still will return to the old theme, like a fugue tune, such as we had in the Plainfield singing-school. I remember one that went, `The Lord is just, is just, is just.' — Is He? Dear Uncle, I must begin at the beginning, or you never will know. I wrote you from St. Louis, did I not? I meant to. From there, we had a dreary journey, not so bad to Fort Leavenworth, but after that inexpressibly dreary, and set with tokens of the dead, who perished before us. A long reach of prairie, day after day, and night after night; grass, and sky, and graves; grass, and sky, and graves; till I hardly knew whether the life I dragged along was life or death, as the thirsty, feverish days wore on into the awful and breathless nights, when every creature was dead asleep, and the very stars in heaven grew dim in the hot, sleepy air — dreadful days! I was too glad to see that bitter inland sea, blue as the fresh lakes, with its gray islands of bare rock, and sparkling sand shores, still more rejoiced to come upon the City itself, the rows of quaint, bare houses, and such cool water-sources, and, over all, near enough to rest both eyes and heart, the sunlit mountains, `the shadow of a great rock in a weary land.'
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13Author:  Hall Baynard Rush 1798-1863Add
 Title:  Frank Freeman's barber shop  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Our southern coast, as the reader doubtless knows, is fringed with a net-work of islands, many of which have not yet a growth sufficient for introduction to a school atlas. Some of these miniature lands are not inhabited and rarely visited; while others are, at certain seasons, resorts for “marooning”—a picnic sort of life passed for weeks in extemporaneous sheds of boards and canvas. A few of the islets are large enough for one or more plantations; and, hence, are like immense gardens in which are embowered lordly mansions with spacious lawns in front and comfortable “quarters” at convenient distances—a negro village of neat cabins, usually white-washed, and always each surrounded with its own domain of truck-patch, and boasting of its henhouse, pig-pen, and other offices. “Nephew, I send $2,000—I know your scruples. But I will positively take no denial. See here— don't refuse the additional—I'll pitch it in the fire, if you send any back. You'll have it hard enough with the remaining $2,000. “Edward, my dearest:—May the Lord sustain you!—and He will. But we have both been long prepared for this:—Dr. Jordan thinks there is no hope of my life beyond next summer! Edward! can we not meet once—the last? And your dear wife—my much beloved—my only daughter, since Sophia preceded me home!—will she not come again? Ah! Edward! if I might go to my rest— in your arms and hers! “Edward! oh, Edward!—I would—but, no! no! you never can believe me now! I call God to witness—I never, no never, loved any but you—I love none other now! By the unutterable agony of my frenzied soul, do not for God's sake, oh! do not curse me!.... Good God! can it be possible! I did not mean it! I know not why I did it! I have not—I have not! I will not! Oh! say, Edward! is it not a dream?—wake me from it! Forgive, forgive, forgive me! Bid me come and lie down at your feet and die! Call me only once by the dear name—and then kill me! Oh! why, why did you not command me to stay ever near you! You were to blame—no! no! how dare I reproach? One trial, Edward—but one! I would give the universe—I would give my life—God knows I would—to stand where I did for a moment.... Vain! I cannot—cannot!—I am going mad!.... But I am not—I am not so fallen! I will not so fall! I will leap into the sea first!..... Stay! don't curse me! Pray for me! Yes, yes, I that laughed at prayer, now with deep groanings of my soul, and with my face in the dust call on you, Edward! my wronged husband, and as a minister of Christ, to pray for me. I am penitent—I have not sinned—I will die rather! I will plunge into the ocean. Oh! dear Edward!—husband, dear husband! and for the last, I write those sacred words— farewell, farewell!” “Rev. and very dear Brother:—I remain, this year, at Point Lookout, where we shall establish our new paper. It is to be called “The Scarifier and Renovator.” I expect to edit awhile, myself. We'll make an impression on the soul-killers. Besides, I can do a vast amount of good here, in other ways. I have been instrumental, by the blessing of God, in freeing more than twenty-five, since my last, in March! Most of them, with a little help from my secret assistants in the lower countries, succeeded (you will be rejoiced to learn) in bringing off property enough to pay expenses, and afford a handsome remuneration. I forwarded the poor fugitives to the old fellow—you know where. “Master!—a dear name yet—though I appear as a traitor!—a name I shall ever love, even if my new friends(?) constrain me to use their cold language. Yes, dear master! you knew me better than I know myself: you would never let me vow! Oh! I remember that one sermon—`Is thy servant a dog, that he should do this thing?' They look on me as noble and free!—alas!—I feel myself a slave now, and worse than before; I have become in my own eyes `a dog!'—I have done it. “Rev. and dear Sharpinton:—My soul is fairly on fire—it fairly cries out, `Away with the accursed slavers from the earth!' Oh, heavens! doctor, they've killed our Somerville; and in defence of his press! Freedom!—where's our right to publish the truth—the whole truth, and nothing but the truth? Don't tell me of freedom! Union or no union! down with the gag-loving, press-muzzling, slavery-aiding, colonization-scheming, God-defying, double-dyed, negro-lashing, humanity-crushing, base, grovelling, truckling villains, that, in face of the sun, will assault and pull down a printing-office, and pitch the types into the street, and shoot down, spite of law, justice, and rights of man, the noble Somerville, and standing to defend his rights! It hadn't ought to be the 19th century! no, it hadn't ought to!— I know it cannot be done; but, still, follow me, ye friends of the poor, down-trodden, brute-degraded, blood-squeezed, and sweat-defrauded sons of Africa! oh! ye men of tried souls, ye true Americans, and we will drive the accursed South into the earth-girdling ocean! I did you a great, a very great wrong—and I am very sorry for it. And yet I always more than half believed you must be true. God be thanked—that dear Edward redeemed you—how would I now feel, if that infernal dealer had got you!—poor Edward, how he looked when he got my note and bid up the $4,000! “* * I told uncle I would write about Sarah —your dear mother. She died many months ago, and very suddenly, and full six weeks before we left the north or arrived at Evergreen. And while you now mourn that you can never see her again—yet 15 you will rejoice your oversight had nothing to do with her death. God, Frank, is kind to his people, that they may not have over much sorrow!
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14Author:  Hawthorne Nathaniel 1804-1864Add
 Title:  The house of the seven gables  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: Half-way down a by-street of one of our New England towns, stands a rusty wooden house, with seven acutely-peaked gables, facing towards various points of the compass, and a huge, clustered chimney in the midst. The street is Pyncheon-street; the house is the old Pyncheon-house; and an elm-tree, of wide circumference, rooted before the door, is familiar to every town-born child by the title of the Pyncheon-elm. On my occasional visits to the town aforesaid, I seldom fail to turn down Pyncheon-street, for the sake of passing through the shadow of these two antiquities, — the great elm-tree, and the weather-beaten edifice.
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15Author:  Hawthorne Nathaniel 1804-1864Add
 Title:  The snow-image  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: One afternoon of a cold winter's day, when the sun shone forth with chilly brightness, after a long storm, two children asked leave of their mother to run out and play in the new-fallen snow. The elder child was a little girl, whom, because she was of a tender and modest disposition, and was thought to be very beautiful, her parents, and other people who were familiar with her, used to call Violet. But her brother was known by the style and title of Peony, on account of the ruddiness of his broad and round little phiz, which made everybody think of sunshine and great scarlet flowers. The father of these two children, a certain Mr. Lindsey, it is important to say, was an excellent but exceedingly matter-of-fact sort of man, a dealer in hardware, and was sturdily accustomed to take what is called the common-sense view of all matters that came under his consideration. With a heart about as tender as other people's, he had a head as hard and impenetrable, and therefore, perhaps, as empty, as one of the iron pots which it was a part of his business to sell. The mother's character, on the other hand, had a strain of poetry in it, a trait of unworldly beauty, — a delicate and dewy flower, as it were, that had survived out of her imaginative youth, and still kept itself alive amid the dusty realities of matrimony and motherhood.
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16Author:  Herbert Henry William 1807-1858Add
 Title:  The cavaliers of England, or, The times of the revolutions of 1642 and 1688  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: It is the saddest of all the considerations which weigh upon the candid and sincere mind of the true patriot, when civil dispute is on the eve of degenerating into civil war, that the best, the wisest, and the bravest of both parties, are those who first fall victims for those principles which they mutually, with equal purity and faith, and almost with equal reason, believe to be true and vital; that the moderate men, who have erst stood side by side for the maintenance of the right and the common good — who alone, in truth, care for either right or common good — now parted by a difference nearly without a distinction, are set in deadly opposition, face to face, to slay and be slain for the benefit of the ultraists — of the ambitious, heartless, or fanatical self-seekers, who hold aloof in the beginning, while principles are at stake, and come into the conflict when the heat and toil of the day are over, and when their own end, not their country's object, remains only to be won. “You know too much — you know too much!” cried Jasper, furious but undaunted. “One of us two must die, ere either leaves this room.” “Agnes: By God's grace I am safe thus far; and if I can lie hid here these four days, can escape to France. On Sunday night a lugger will await me off the Greene point, nigh the 35 mouth of Solway. Come to me hither, to the cave I told thee of, with food and wine so soon as it is dark. Ever my dearest, whom alone I dare trust.
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17Author:  Herbert Henry William 1807-1858Add
 Title:  The chevaliers of France  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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18Author:  Herbert Henry William 1807-1858Add
 Title:  The knights of England, France, and Scotland  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
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19Author:  Herbert Henry William 1807-1858Add
 Title:  Persons and pictures from the histories of France and England  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: England was happy yet and free under her Saxon kings. The unhappy natives of the land, the Britons of old time, long ago driven back into their impregnable fastnesses among the Welsh mountains, and the craggy and pathless wilds of Scotland, still rugged and hirsute with the yet uninvaded masses of the great Caledonian forest, had subsided into quiet, and disturbed the lowland plains of fair England no longer; and so long as they were left free to enjoy their rude pleasures of the chase and of internal welfare, undisturbed, were content to be debarred from the rich pastures and fertile corn-fields which had once owned their sway. The Danes and Norsemen, savage Jarls and Vikings of the North, had ceased to prey on the coasts of Northumberland and Yorkshire; the seven kingdoms of the turbulent and tumultuous Heptarchy, ever distracted by domestic strife, had subsided into one realm, ruled under laws, regular, and for the most part mild and equable, by a single monarch, occupied by one homogeneous and kindred race, wealthy and prosperous according to the idea of wealth and prosperity in those days, at peace at home and undisturbed from without; if not, indeed, very highly civilized, at least supplied with all the luxuries and comforts which the age knew or demanded—a happy, free, contented people, with a patriarchal aristocracy, and a king limited in his prerogatives by the rights of his people, and the privileges of the nobles as secured by law. “My dear wife—farewell! Bless my boy—pray for me, and let the true God hold you both in his arms. “I received your letter with judignation, and with scorn return you this answer, that I cannot but wonder whence you gather any hopes that I should prove, like you, treacherous to my sovereign; since you cannot be ignorant of my former actions in his late majesty's service, from which principles of loyalty I am no whit departed. I scorn your proffers; I disdain your favor; I abhor your treason; and am so far from delivering up this island to your advantage, that I shall keep it to the utmost of my power for your destruction. Take this for your final answer, and forbear any further solicitations: for if you trouble me with any more messages of this nature, I will burn the paper, and hang up the messenger. This is the immutable resolution, and shall be the undoubted practice of him who accounts it his chiefest glory to be his majesty's most loyal and obedient subject. It would have been a difficult thing, even in England, that land of female loveliness, to find a brighter specimen of youthful beauty than was presented by Rosamond Bellarmyne, when she returned to her home, then in her sixteenth year, after witnessing the joyful procession of the 29th of May, which terminated in the installation of the son in that palace of Whitehall from which his far worthier father had gone forth to die. “We hereby grant free permission to the Count de Grammont to return to London, and remain there six days, in prosecution of his lawful affairs; and we accord to him the license to be present at our palace of Whitehall, on the occasion of his betrothal to our gracious consort's maid-of-honor, the beautiful Mistress Elizabeth Hamilton.
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20Author:  Herbert Henry William 1807-1858Add
 Title:  Wager of battle  
 Published:  2003 
 Subjects:  University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 
 Description: In the latter part of the twelfth century—when, in the reign of Henry II., fourth successor of the Conqueror, and grandson of the first prince of that name, known as Beauclerc, the condition of the vanquished Saxons had begun in some sort to amend, though no fusion of the races had as yet commenced, and tranquillity was partially restored to England—the greater part of the northern counties, from the Trent to the mouths of Tyne and Solway, was little better than an unbroken chase or forest, with the exception of the fiefs of a few great barons, or the territories of a few cities and free borough towns; and thence, northward to the Scottish frontier, all was a rude and pathless desert of morasses, moors, and mountains, untrodden save by the foot of the persecuted Saxon outlaw. “King Henry II. to the Sheriff of Lancaster and Westmoreland, greeting—Kenric, the son of Werewulf, of Kentmere, in Westmoreland, has showed to us, that whereas he is a free man, and ready to prove his liberty, Sir Foulke d'Oilly, knight and baron of Waltheofstow and Fenton in the Forest of Sherwood, in Yorkshire, claiming him to be his nief, unjustly vexes him; and therefore we command you, that if the aforesaid Kenric shall make you secure touching the proving of his liberty, then put that plea before our justices, at the first assizes, when they shall come into those parts, to wit, in our good city of Lancaster, on the first day of December next ensuing, because proof of this kind belongeth not to you to take; and in the mean time cause the said Kenric to have peace thereupon, and tell the aforesaid Sir Foulke d'Oilly that he may be there, if he will, to prosecute thereof, against the aforesaid Kenric. And have there this writ. “In the case of Kenric surnamed the Dark, accused of deer-slaying, against the forest statute, and of murder, or homicide, both alleged to have been done and committed in the forest of Sherwood, on the 13th day of September last passed, the grand inquest, now in session, do find that there is no bill, nor any cause of process.
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