| | 24 | Author: | Lindsay
James H.
(James Hubert)
1862-1933 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The McCue murder  | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | On Sunday, September 4, 1904, J. Samuel McCue, for twenty years a
member of the Charlottesville Bar, just retired from his third term as
Mayor of that city, reputed rich man, and officer in the Presbyterian
Church, arrived about 6 o'clock from Washington, where he had been
for several days, on what business does not appear, although Mrs.
McCue had been informed by him that he was in the National Capital
taking depositions in a murder case. An hour before he reached the
city Mrs. Fannie M. McCue, his wife, had come in from Red Hill, a
small station on the Southern railway, some seven miles south of Charlottesville,
and was at home when her husband entered the house.
Without going into the parlor, where she was with a visitor, he went
upstairs to the bath-room to rid himself of the stains of travel. When
he met her, the manner of his greeting, and all other details of that
evening until the supper hour, are lacking. The occurrences at the
evening meal come into the story at a later period. Dear Aunt Sallie,—I received your kind and affectionate letter a few
minutes ago, and will answer now, as I am afarid I will forget it. We
are now at home with Aunt Sammie and Uncle Marshall Dinwiddie,
who are very kind and good to us, but I come home and miss my dear
mother, whom I put before my God, and who I miss many times in the
day. "I do not wish to worry you, as I know you have worries enough, but
I do think you ought to send me my watch, as it is all I have to pay Mr.
Harmon to get me free from the treacherous man I have. Now, if you
won't send it to me send me word how much you want me to pay you. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 25 | Author: | Smith
Margaret Vowell | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Virginia, 1492-1892 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland,
Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents
shal come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certaine science,
& meere motion, we have giuen and graunted, and by these presents for
vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt to our trusty and well-beloued
seruant, Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires and assignes
for euer, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for euer
hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen,
and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his
heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and
the same to haue, holde, occupy & enioy to him, his heires and assignes
for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, iurisdictios, royalties, priuiledges,
franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea
and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any
of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons,
bodies politique or corporate; and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs, our heires
and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there
to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his
heires & assignes, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues,
or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realm of
England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance
whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Whereas Wee, by our letters pattents under our great seale of England,
bearing date att Westminster, the tenth day of Aprill, in the year of our
raigne of England, France and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the
39th, have given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the said
letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and conduct two several
Colonies or plantations of sundry our loving people willing to abide and
inhabit in certain parts of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences,
priviledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same
letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee according to the effect
and true meaning of the same letters pattents, doe by these presents,
signed with our hand, signe manuel and sealed with our privy seale of
our realme of England, establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well
beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our Tower of London,
Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George
Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Knight, Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder
of the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John Dodderidge,
Esq., Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr., John Eldred of the citty of
London, merchant, Thomas James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and
James Bagge of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall
be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Virginia or any the
territories of America, between thirty-four and fourty-five degrees from
the æquinoctial line northward, and the Islands to the several collonies
limitted and assigned, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of
Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have full power
and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and under us, our heires and
successors, to give directions to the councels of the several collonies which
shal be within any part of the said country of Virginia and America,
within the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands aforesaid, for
the good government of the people to be planted in those parts, and for
the good ordering and desposing of all causes happening within the same,
and the same to be done for the substance thereof, as neer to the common
lawes of England, and the equity thereof, as may be, and to passe under
our seale, appointed for that councel, which councel, and every and any
of them shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, and
others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our heires and successors,
and att our and their will and pleasure, and the same councel of
Virginia, or the more part of them, for the time being, shall nominate and
appoint the first several councellours of those several councells, which are
to be appointed for those two several colonies, which are to be made plantations
in Virginia and America, between the degrees before mentioned,
according to our said letters pattents in that behalfe made; and that each
of the same councels of the same several colonies shal, by the major part
of them, choose one of the same councel, not being the minister of God's
word, to be president of the same councel, and to continue in that office
by the space of one whole year unless he shall in the meantime dye or be
removed from the office; and we doe further hereby establish and ordaine,
that it shal be lawful for the major part of either of the said councells,
upon any just cause, either absence or otherwise, to remove the president
or any other of that councel, from being either president, or any of that
councel; and upon the deathes or removal of any of the presidents or
councel, it shall be lawful for the major part of that councel to elect
another in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, as
they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said councellours, and wee
doe establish and ordaine, that the president shal not continue in his office
of presidentship above the space of one year; and wee doe specially
ordaine, charge, and require the said president and councells, and the
ministers of the said several colonies respectively, within their several
limits and precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe
provide, that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be
preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several
colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the
salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or border upon them,
according to the doctrines, rights, and religion now professed and established
within our realme of England. Captaine Martine, we are to request50
50request, McDowell.
you upon sight hereof, with all
convenient speed to repaire hither to James citty to treatt and conferre
wth us about some matters of especial51
51especiall,
McDonald.
importance, wch concerns52
52concerne, McDonald and Bancroft.
both
us and the whole Colony and yourself. And of this we praye you not to
faile. `Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Burgesses of this Grand
Assembly, for God's glory and the public benefit of the Colony, to the
end that God might avert his heavy judgments that are upon us, that the
last Wednesday in every month be set apart for fast and humiliation, and
that it be wholly dedicated to prayers and preaching, &c. First. It is agreed and cons ted that the plantation of Virginia, and
all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remaine in due obedience and
subjection to the common wealth of England, according to the lawes there
established, And that this submission and subscription bee acknowledged
a voluntary act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon the countrey,
And that they shall have and enioy such freedomes and priviledges as
belong to the free borne people of England, and that the former government
by the comissions and instructions be void and null. First. That neither Governour nor councill shall be obliged to take
any oath or engagement to the Common-Wealth of England for one whole
yeare, And that neither Governor nor Councill be censured for praying
for or speaking well of the King for one whole yeare in their private
houses or neighbouring conference. "Whereas it appears by act of Assembly held at James Cittie in May,
1652, That it was agreed vpon and thought best by the then commissioners
for the parliament, and the Burgesses of the then a sembly, That the right
of election of all officers of this collony should be and appertaine to the
Burgesses, the representatives of the people, Now know yee, That wee
the present Burgesses of this Grand Assembly have a cordingly constituted
and ordained the severall persons vnder written to be the Governour,
Councill & Commissioners of this country of Virginia vntil the next
Assembly or vntil the further pleasure of the supreme power in England
shall be known. The Governour and Councill for many important causes do think fitt
hereby to declare, That they do now disolve this present Assembly. And
that the Speaker accordingly do dismiss the Burgesses. The Answer of the Burgesses to the declaration
of the Honourable Governour and Councill. Vpon your assurance of a speedy issue to conclude the acts so near
brought to a confirmation in this Assembly, wee are willing to come to a
speedy conclusion, And to referre the dispute of the power of disolving and
the legality thereof to his Highnesse, the Lord Protector: The House is vnanimously of opinion that the answer returned is
vnsatisfactory, and desire with as much earnestnes as the honourable
Governour and Councill have expressed, a speedy dispatch, and propose
That the Governour and Councill please to declare. Vpon your promise received of the speedy and happy conclusion, wee
revoke the declaration for the dissolution of the Assembly, and referre the
dispute of the power of dissolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse
the Lord Protector. Wee have considered the present constitution of the government
of Virginia and do propose, That wee find by the records The present
power of government to reside in such persons as shall be impowered
by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not
dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia, but the House of Burgesses. These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to will and
require you not to act orr execute any warrant, precept or command
directed to you from any other power or person then the Speaker of this
hon'ble. House, whose commands you are hereby required to obey and not
to decline therefrom vntill further order from vs the Burgesses of this
present Grand Assembly, hereof faile not as you will answer the contrary
at your perill. Given 2d. Apr. 58. Act I. "Whereas the necessity of the country being in danger of the oppression
company and the losse of our liberties for want of such an agent
in England as is able to oppose the invaders of our freedomes and truly to
represent our condition to his sacred majestie enforceth the employing a
person of quality to present our grievances to his majesty's gracious consideration
and endeavour the redresse which the right honorable Sir William
Berkeley his majestyes governor hath been pleased to undertake.
Bee itt therefore enacted that there be raysed by the country the some of
two hundred thousand pounds of tobacco and cask for his the said Sir William
Berkeley's support in his voyage; and that payment be made thereof
by the 20th of January in Yorke river and James river to such persons as
his honor shall appoint and that the secretary of state and speaker of the
assembly signe a manifesto to the governor of the country's engagement
for payment thereof."*
*Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. II., page 17.
Att a Grand Assemblie, Holden at James Cittie by prorogation from
the twentie third of March, 1660, to the twentie third of March 1661; and
thence to the twentie third of December 1662, in the fourteenth year of the
raigne of our soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc.
To the glorie of Almightie God and the publique good of this his Majesties
colonie of Virginia: "First.—We declare all due allegiance and obedience to our lawful
Sovereign, George the Third, King of Great Britain. And we determine
to the utmost of our power to preserve the laws, the peace, and good order
of this Colony, as far as is consistent with the preservation of our constitutional
rights and liberty. Copy sent the Governor,
(Thomas Jefferson)
on the 15th January, 1781. The general assembly of Virginia being well satisfied that the happiness,
strength and safety of the United States, depend, under Providence,
upon the ratification of the articles for a federal union between the United
States, heretofore proposed by congress for the consideration of the said
states, and preferring the good of their country to every object of smaller
importance, Do Resolve, That this commonwealth will yield to the congress
of the United States, for the benefit of the said United States, all
right, title, and claim that the said commonwealth hath to the lands
northwest of the river Ohio, upon the following conditions, to wit: That
the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into states containing
a suitable extent of territory, and shall not be less than one hundred
nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto
as circumstances will admit: That the states so formed shall be distinct
republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union, having
the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other
states. It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming,
being the only acting member of council for some time before the appointment
of chief magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia,
and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government,
and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein: Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress have published
their proclamation, announcing the signature and ratification of the preliminary
articles of peace between the several powers at war, and commanding
the citizens of these United States to cease from any farther
hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and his subjects, both by sea and
land: "Everybody knows I have the highest opinion of you as an officer,
and you know I love you as a friend; whatever may be your determination,
to retire or continue in service, my affection will accompany you.
I am, with esteem and affection, your most obedient humble servant, "Whereas it is shewn to the present General Assembly, that the government
of the United States is solicitous that certain lands at Old Point
Comfort, and at the shoal called the Rip Raps, should be, with the right
of property and entire jurisdiction thereon, vested in the said United
States for the purpose of fortification, and other objects of national defence, | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 26 | Author: | Kennedy
Philip Pendleton
1808-1864 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The Blackwater chronicle | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | If the reader will take down the map of Virginia,
and look at Randolph county, he will find that the
Blackwater is a stream that makes down from the
north into the Cheat river, some few miles below
the point where that river is formed by the junction
of the Dry fork, the Laurel fork, and the Glade
fork—the Shavers, or Great fork, falling in some
miles below: all rising and running along the western
side of the Backbone of the Alleganies. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 27 | Author: | Charlottesville (Va.) | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1945 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
approved March 24, 1922 (Acts 1922, p. 697 et seq.), and all
acts amendatory thereof, to and including the acts of 1944. "WHEREAS, the director of finance has received the full purchase
price of the property hereby conveyed as is evidenced by
his signature hereto. "THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this ......
day of .............., 19.., by and between the CITY OF
CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, hereinafter referred to
as the City, and ........, hereinafter referred to as Owner. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 28 | Author: | De Hass
Wills
1818?-1910 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | History of the early settlement and Indian wars of Western Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and
afterwards ratified by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the
west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for
their hunting ground. And as it is of the highest importance
to his Majesty's service, and the preservation of the peace,
and a good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving
them any just cause of complaint: This is therefore to forbid
any of his Majesty's subjects to settle or hunt to the west of
the Alleghany mountains, on any pretence whatever, unless
such have obtained leave in writing from the general, or the
governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same
to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers
and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several
posts erected in that part of the country, for the protection
of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be
seized, any of his Majesty's subjects, who, without the above
authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle
or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses
and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished according
to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a
court martial. What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for? The white people
killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought nothing of
that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin
prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to
war since; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. I have this moment received certain intelligence that the
enemy are coming in great force against us, and particularly
against Wheeling. You will immediately put your garrison
in the best posture of defence, and lay in as great a quantity
of water as circumstances will admit, and receive them coolly.
They intend to decoy your garrison, but you are to guard
against stratagem, and defend the post to the last extremity. We, the subscribers, do hereby certify that the within specified appraisements
are just and true, to the best of our judgments; and that the several
articles were lost in the late unhappy defeat near M'Mechen's narrows, on
the 27th of September, 1777—as witness our hands, this 3d of October, 1777. On Monday afternoon, September 11, 1782, a body of about 300 Indians,
and 50 British soldiers, composing part of a company known as the `Queen's
Rangers,' appeared in front of the fort, and demanded a surrender. These
forces were commanded respectively by the white renegade Girty, and a
Captain Pratt. Yours of the 8th instant has just come to
hand, and I with pleasure sit down to answer your request,
which is a statement of my adventure with the Indians. I
will give the narrative as found in my sketch book. I was
born in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, February 4th,
1777. When about eight years old, my father, James Johnson,
having a large family to provide for, sold his farm, with
the expectation of acquiring larger possessions further west.
Thus he was stimulated to encounter the perils of a pioneer
life. He crossed the Ohio river, and bought some improvements
on what was called Beach Bottom Flats, two and a
half miles from the river, and three or four miles above the
mouth of Short creek, with the expectation of holding by
improvement right under the Virginia claim. Soon after we
reached there, the Indians became troublesome; they stole
horses, and killed a number of persons in our neighborhood.
When I was between eleven and twelve years old, in the
month of October, 1788, I was taken prisoner by the Indians,
with my brother John, who was about eighteen months older
than I. The circumstances were as follows:—On Saturday
evening, we were out with an older brother, and came home
late in the evening. The next morning one of us had lost a
hat, and about the middle of the day, we thought that perhaps
we had left it where we had been at work, about three-fourths
of a mile from the house. We went to the place and
found the hat, and sat down on a log by the road-side, and
commenced cracking nuts. In a short time we saw two men
coming toward us from the house. By their dress, we supposed
they were two of our neighbors, James Perdue and
J. Russell. We paid but little attention to them, until they
came quite near us, when we saw our mistake; they were
black. To escape by flight was impossible, had we been disposed
to try. We sat still until they came up. One of
them said, "How do, brodder?" My brother asked them if
they were Indians, and they answered in the affirmative, and
said we must go with them. One of them had a blue buckskin
pouch, which we gave my brother to carry, and without
further ceremony, he took up the line of march for the
wilderness, not knowing whether we should ever return to
our cheerful home; and not having much love for our commanding
officers, of course we obeyed orders rather tardily.
The mode of march was thus—one of the Indians walked
about ten steps before, the other about ten behind us. After
travelling some distance, we halted in a deep hollow and sat
down. They took out their knives and whet them, and talked
some time in the Indian tongue, which we could not understand.
My brother and me sat eight or ten steps from them,
and talked about killing them that night, and make our
escape. I thought, from their looks and actions, that they
were going to kill us; and, strange to say, I felt no alarm.
I thought I would rather die than go with them. The most
of my trouble was, that my father and mother would be fretting
after us—not knowing what had become of us. I expressed
my thoughts to John, who went and began to talk
with them. He said that father was cross to him, and made
him work hard, and that he did not like hard work; that he
would rather be a hunter, and live in the woods. This seemed
to please them; for they put up their knives, and talked more
lively and pleasantly. We became very familiar, and many
questions passed between us; all parties were very inquisitive.
They asked my brother which way home was, several
times, and he would tell them the contrary way every time,
although he knew the way very well. This would make them
laugh; they thought we were lost, and that we knew no better.
They conducted us over the Short creek hills in search
of horses, but found none; so we continued on foot until
night, when we halted in a hollow, about three miles from
Carpenter's fort, and about four from the place where they
first took us; our route being somewhat circuitous, we made
but slow progress. As night began to close in, I became
fretful. My brother encouraged me, by whispering that
we would kill them that night. After they had selected
the place of our encampment, one of them scouted round,
whilst the other struck fire, which was done by stopping the
touch-hole of his gun, and flashing powder in the pan. After
the Indian got the fire kindled, he re-primed the gun and
went to an old stump, to get some tinder wood, and while he
was thus employed, my brother John took the gun, cocked it,
and was about to shoot the Indian: alarmed lest the other
might be close by, I remonstrated, and taking hold of the
gun, prevented him shooting; at the same time I begged him
to wait till night, and I would help him kill them both.
The other Indian came back about dark, when we took our
supper, such as it was,—some corn parched on the coals, and
some roasted pork. We then sat and talked for some time.
They seemed to be acquainted with the whole border settlement,
from Marietta to Beaver, and could number every
fort and block-house, and asked my brother how many fighting
men there were in each place, and how many guns. In
some places, my brother said, there were a good many more
guns than there were fighting men. They asked what use
were these guns. He said the women could load while the
men fired. But how did these guns get there? My brother
said, when the war was over with Great Britain, the soldiers
that were enlisted during the war were discharged, and they
left a great many of their guns at the stations. They asked
my brother who owned that black horse that wore a bell? He
answered, father. They then said the Indians could never
catch that horse. We then went to bed on the naked ground,
to rest and study out the best mode of attack. They put us
between them, that they might be the better able to guard us.
After awhile, one of the Indians, supposing we were asleep,
got up and stretched himself on the other side of the fire, and
soon began to snore. John, who had been watching every
motion, found they were sound asleep. He whispered to me
to get up, which we did as carefully as possible. John took
the gun with which the Indian had struck fire, cocked it, and
placed it in the direction of the head of one of the Indians.
He then took a tomahawk, and drew it over the head of the
other Indian. I pulled the trigger, and he struck at the same
instant; the blow falling too far back on the neck, only
stunned the Indian. He attempted to spring to his feet,
uttering most hideous yells, but my brother repeated the
blows with such effect that the conflict became terrible, and
somewhat doubtful. The Indian, however, was forced to
yield to the blows he received on his head, and in a short
time he lay quiet at our feet. The one that was shot never
moved; and fearing there were others close by, we hurried
off, and took nothing with us but the gun I shot with. They
had told us we would see Indians about to-morrow, so we
thought that there was a camp of Indians close by; and fearing
the report of the gun, the Indian hallooing, and I calling
to John, might bring them upon us, we took our course
towards the river, and on going about three-fourths of a mile,
came to a path which led to Carpenter's fort. My brother
here hung up his hat, that he might know where to take
off to find the camp. We got to the fort a little before daybreak.
We related our adventure, and the next day a small
party went out with my brother, and found the Indian that
was tomahawked, on the ground; the other had crawled off,
and was not found till some time after. He was shot through
close by the ear. Having concluded this narrative, I will give
a description of the two Indians. They were of the Delaware
tribe, and one of them a chief. He wore the badges of his
office—the wampum belt, three half-moons, and a silver plate
on his breast; bands of silver on both arms, and his ears cut
round and ornamented with silver; the hair on the top of his
head was done up with silver wire. The other Indian seemed
to be a kind of waiter. He was rather under size, a plain
man. He wore a fine beaver hat, with a hole shot through
the crown. My brother asked him about the hat. He said
he killed a captain and got his hat. My brother asked him
if he had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a good
many. He then asked him if the big Indian had killed many
of the whites, and he answered, a great many, and that he
was a great captain—a chief. * * * * * Your note of this day I have duly received, and with sincere
pleasure proceed to comply with your requisitions; especially, as the facts
will have a more fitting and enduring place of record, than if stated in a
public print—which it was my intention to have done, had you not presented
a superior vehicle. Brigadier-General McIntosh having requested from
Congress leave to retire from the command of the westward,
they have, by a resolve of the 20th February, granted his
request, and directed me to appoint an officer to succeed him.
From my opinion of your abilities, your former acquaintance
with the back country, and the knowledge you must have
acquired upon this last tour of duty, I have appointed you to
the command in preference to a stranger, as he would not
have time to gain the necessary information between that of
his assuming the command and the commencement of operations. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 29 | Author: | Brock
R. A.
(Robert Alonzo)
1839-1914 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Virginia and Virginians | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming,
being the only acting member of the council for some time before
the appointment of the Chief Magistrate, did give orders for the calling
out the militia, and also pursued such other measures as were essential
to good government, and it is just and reasonable that he should be
indemnified therein, Nothing can surprise me more than to see you attempt a settlement
upon the lands of the king, my master, which obliges me now, sir,
to send you this gentleman, Chevalier Le Mercier, captain of the artillery
of Canada, to know of you, sir, by virtue of what authority you are
come to fortify yourself within the dominions of the king, my master.
This action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at Aix-la-Chapelle,
between his most Christian majesty and the King of Great
Britain, that I do not know to whom to impute such an usurpation, as it
is uncontested that the lands situated along the beautiful river belong to
his most Christian majesty. "Now, therefore, we, the People of Virginia, do Declare and Ordain,
That the ordinance adopted by the people of this State in convention on
the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States
of America was ratified; and all the acts of the General Assembly of
this State ratifying or adopting amendments to said constitution are hereby
repealed and abrogated; that the union between the State of Virginia
and the States under the constitution aforesaid, is hereby dissolved, and
that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the
rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent
State. And they do further declare, that said Constitution of the
United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of
this State. In accordance with the substance of my letter to you
on the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of
Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers
and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer
designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as
you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to
take up arms against the government of the United States until properly
exchanged, and each company or regimental commander to sign a
like parole for the men of his command. The arms, artillery, and public
property to be packed and stacked, and turned over to the officers
appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side arms
of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each
officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed
by the United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and
the laws in force where they may reside. I received your letter of this date, containing the terms
of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed by you.
As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of
the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the
proper officer to carry the stipulations into effect. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 30 | Author: | Withers
Alexander Scott
1792-1865 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Chronicles of border warfare, or, A history of the settlement by the whites, of north-western Virginia, and of the Indian wars and massacres in that section of the state | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | At the time when Virginia became known to the whites,
it was occupied by many different tribes to Indians, attached
to different nations. That portion of the state
lying north west of the Blue ridge, and extending to the
lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were a
powerful confederacy, rarely in amity with the tribes east
of that range of mountains; but generally harrassing
them by frequent hostile irruptions into their country.
Of their subsequent history, nothing is now known.
They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of
the Six Nations. It is however more probable, that they
afterwards became incorporated with these, as did several
other tribes of Indians, who used a language so essentially
different from that spoken by the Six Nations, as to render
the intervention of interpreters necessary between
them. "Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce
for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any
defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colol. Clark
shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work— "Colonel Clark's Compliments to Mr. Hamilton and begs leave to
inform him that Col. Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that
of Mr. Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at
Discretion— | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 31 | Author: | Henderson
Archibald
1877-1963 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The conquest of the old Southwest | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | AT the opening of the eighteenth century
the tide of population had swept inland
to the "fall line," the westward boundary of
the established settlements. The actual frontier
had been advanced by the more aggressive
pioneers to within fifty miles of the Blue
Ridge. So rapid was the settlement in North
Carolina that in the interval 1717-32 the population
quadrupled in numbers. A map of the
colonial settlements in 1725 reveals a narrow
strip of populated land along the Atlantic
coast, of irregular indentation, with occasional
isolated nuclei of settlements further in the interior.
The civilization thus established continued
to maintain a close and unbroken communication
with England and the Continent.
As long as the settlers, for economic reasons,
clung to the coast, they reacted but slowly to
the transforming influences of the frontier.
Within a triangle of continental altitude with
its apex in New England, bounded on the
east by the Atlantic, and on the west by the
Appalachian range, lay the settlements, divided
into two zones—tidewater and piedmont.
As no break occurred in the great mountain
system south of the Hudson and Mohawk valleys,
the difficulties of cutting a passage
through the towering wall of living green long
proved an effective obstacle to the crossing
of the grim mountain barrier. After my compliments to
you, I shall acquaint you of our misfortunes.
On March the 25 a party of Indians fired on
my Company about half an hour before day,
and killed Mr. Twitty and his negro, and
wounded Mr. Walker very deeply, but I hope
he will recover. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 32 | Author: | unknown | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | A new and comprehensive gazetteer of Virginia, and the District of Columbia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "I have recently returned from a geological excursion in Virginia. I entered the
state near the head waters of the Potomac, passed thence to Winchester, followed the
course of that fine Valley to the Natural Bridge; retracting my steps, I turned westwardly
at Staunton, crossed the mountain at Jennings' Gap, and visited the justly
celebrated medicinal springs in that region, returning, I went from Staunton through
Charlottesville to Richmond, and down the James to its mouth. When this tour is
taken in connection with a former visit to Wheeling, it will be conceded that I have
seen enough of the state to enable me to form a rough estimate of its geological and
mineralogical importance and I do assure you sir, that although my anticipations
were far from being meagre, I was astonished at the vastness and variety of interesting
objects in that department of natural history, that were constantly developing
themselves, inviting the mind of man to reflection, and his hand to industry, and displaying
at every step the wisdom and benificence of the Great Creater. In answer to your letter of the 29th ult
I have much pleasure in stating, that I
was highly gratified by my excursion to
the Red Sulphur Springs last season. It
was my first visit to that place, and I was
so much pleased with the water, the entertainment
and the scenery, that my stay
was protracted, with enjoyment, for nearly
three weeks. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 33 | Author: | Howe
Henry
1816-1893 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Historical collections of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | The term of service for which the Petersburg Volunteers were engaged having expired,
they are permitted to commence their march to Virginia, as soon as they can be
transported to the south side of the lake. George W. Smith, governor, A. B. Venable, president of the bank, Benjamin Botts, wife, and niece,
Mrs. Tayloe Braxton, Mrs. Patterson, Mrs. Gallego, Miss Conyers, Lieut. J. Gibbon, in attempting to save
Miss Conyers; Mrs. E. Page, Miss Louisa Mayo, Mrs. William Cook, Miss Elvina Coutts, Mrs. John Lesley,
Miss M. Nelson, Miss Nelson, Miss Page, Wm. Brown, Miss Julia Hervey, Miss Whitlock, George
Dixon, A. Marshall (of Wythe) broke his neck in attempting to jump from a window, Miss Ann Craig,
Miss Stevenson, (of Spottsylvania,) Mrs. Gibson, Miss Maria Hunter, Mrs. Mary Davis, Miss Gerard,
Thomas Lecroix, Jane Wade, Mrs. Picket, Mrs. Heron, Mrs. Laforest and niece, Jo. Jacobs, Miss Jacobs,
Miss. A. Bausman, Miss M. Marks, Edward Wanton, Jr., two Misses Trouins, Mrs. Gerer, Mrs. Elicott,
Miss Patsey Griffin, Mrs. Moss and daughter, Miss Littlepage, Miss Rebecca Cook, Mrs. Girardin and two
children, Miss Margaret Copeland, Miss Gwathmey, Miss Clay, daughter of M. Clay, member of Congress,
Miss Gatewood, Mrs. Thomas Wilson, Wm. Southgate, Mrs. Robert Greenhow, Mrs. Convert and child,
Miss Green, Miss C. Raphael. Whereas on complaint of Luke Hill in behalf of her Magesty yt. now is agt. Grace
Sherrwood for a peson suspected of withcraft & having had sundey: evidences sworne
agt: her proving many cercumstances & which she could not make any excuse or little
or nothing to say in her own behalf only seemed to rely on wt. ye. Court should doe
& thereupon consented to be tryed in ye. water & likewise to be serched againe wth.
experimts: being tryed & she swiming Wn. therein & bound contrary to custom & ye.
Judgts. of all the spectators & afterwards being serched by ffive antient weamen who
have all declared on oath yt. she is not like ym: nor noe other woman yt. they knew of
having two things like titts on her private parts of a Black coller being blacker yn: ye:
rest of her body all wth: cercumstance ye. Court weighing in their consideracon doe
therefore ordr. yt. ye. Sherr: take ye. sd. Grace into his costody & to comit her body to
ye. common Joal of this County their to secure her by irons or otherwise there to remain
till such time as he shall be otherwise directed in ordr. for her coming to ye. common
goal of ye: Countey to be brought to a ffuture tryall there. "Our proposition to the Cherokee chiefs to visit Congress, for the purpose of preventing
or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too late. The storm had gathered to a
head when Major Martin (the agent) had got back. It was determined, therefore, to
carry the war into their country, rather than wait it in ours; and I have it in my power
to inform you that, thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been successful. I
enclose the particulars as reported to me." Col. Arthur Campbell's report to Mr. Jefferson
is dated Washington county, Jan. 15, 1781. "The militia (he says) of this and the
two western North Carolina counties (now Tennessee) have been fortunate enough to
frustrate the designs of the Cherokees. On my reaching the frontiers, I found the Indians
meant to annoy us by small parties. To resist them effectually, the apparently
best measure was to transfer the war without delay into their own borders. "York county October ye 26th, 1696. I promise to give five pounds sterling towards
building the cott. house at Yorké Town, and twenty pounds sterl'g if within two years
they build a brick church att the same towne. As witness my hand ye day and year
above written. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 37 | Author: | Bouldin
Powhatan
1830-1907 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Home reminiscences of John Randolph | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | JOHN RANDOLPH was the most remarkable character
that this country has ever produced; indeed, it is
doubted whether there ever lived in any country a man
so brilliant and at the same time so eccentric. A great deal
has been written concerning him, and yet the public curiosity
has been by no means satisfied. We purpose to add our
contribution, which is composed in a great measure of the
recollections of his old constituents and neighbors. But,
before entering upon our proper task of home reminiscences,
let us give an outline of our subject, reserving future chapters
for the completion of the picture. If it should meet your view I will preach the funeral of
your servant Billy at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the second Sabbath in
September. Such of your black people as may attend the meeting at
Mossingford on that day may reach your house by that time, and the meeting
will be closed in time for them to reach their homes by night. "Indeed, my attention had been, in some measure, distracted by the
scene of distress which my house has exhibited for some time past. Mr.
Curd breathed his last on Thursday morning, half past three o'clock, after
a most severe illness, which lasted sixteen days. I insisted on his coming
up here, where he had every possible aid, that the best medical aid, and
most assiduous nursing could afford him. During the last week of his
sickness I was never absent from the house but twice, about an hour each
time, for air and exercise; I sat up with him, and gave him almost all of
his medicines, with my own hand, and saw that every possible attention
was paid to him. This is to me an unspeakable comfort, and it pleased
God to support me under this trying scene, by granting me better health
than I had experienced for seven years. On Thursday evening I followed
him to the grave; and soon after, the effects of the fatigue and distress
of mind that I had suffered, prostrated my strength and spirits, and I
became ill. Three successive nights of watching were too much for my
system to endure; I was with him, when he died without a groan or a
change of feature." I understand several expressions have escaped you, in their
nature personal and highly injurious to my reputation. The exceptionable
language imputed to you may be briefly and substantially comprised
in the following statements: That you have avowed the opinion that I
was a rogue—that you have ascribed to me the infernal disposition to
commit murder to prevent the exposition of my sinister designs, and
through me have stigmatized those citizen soldiers who compose the
military corps of our country. No person can be more sensible of the
pernicious tendency of such cruel and undeserved reflections in their
application to public men, or private individuals than yourself; nor is any
man more competent to determine the just reparation to which they
establish a fair claim. Under these impressions I have no hesitation to
appeal to your justice, your magnanimity and your gallantry, to prescribe
the manner of redress, being persuaded your decision will comport with
the feelings of a man of honor—that you will be found equally prompt
to assert a right or repair a wrong. I transmit this letter through the
post-office, and shall expect your answer by such a channel as you may
deem proper. Several months ago I was informed of your having said that you
were acquainted with what had passed in the grand jury room at Richmond
last spring, and that you declared a determination to challenge me.
I am to consider your letter of the last night by mail as the execution of
that avowed purpose, and through the same channel I return you my
answer. Whatever may have been the expressions used by me in regard
to your character, they were the result of deliberate opinion, founded on
the most authoritative evidence, the greater part of which my country imposed
upon me, to weigh and decide upon; they were such as to my
knowledge and to yours have been delivered by the first men in the Union,
and probably by a full moiety of the American people. Infirm as your health is, your country has
made another call upon you for your services. I have no right to ask,
nor do I enquire whether you will accept of this highly honorable appointment.
As a friend I have a right to say your country has no further
claims upon you, and that you ought to consult your own comfort and
happiness. I cannot express to you how deeply I am penetrated by your note
which Peyton has this moment handed to me. The office of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to Russia will soon become vacant, and I am anxious that the
place should be filled by one of the most capable and distinguished
of our fellow-citizens. By the last mail I received, under Mr. Van Buren's cover, your
letter, submitting to my acceptance the mission to Russia. 1. Resolved, That while we retain a grateful sense of the many services
rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the United States, we owe it to our
country and to our posterity to make our solemn protest against many of
the doctrines of his late proclamation. There was an unusually numerous collection of people at Charlotte
Court-house to-day, it being expected that the subject of the proclamation
would be taken into consideration, and hoped that Mr. Randolph might
be there. Though in a state of the most extreme feebleness, he made his
appearance last night, and to day at twelve o'clock was lifted to his seat
on the bench. He rose and spoke a few minutes, but soon sat down exhausted,
and continued to speak sitting, though sometimes for a moment
the excitement of his feelings brought him to his feet. He ended his
speech by moving a set of resolutions, of which a copy is subjoined. I confirm to my brother Beverly the slaves I gave him, and for which I
have a reconveyance. Codicil to this my will, made the 5th day of December, 1821. I revoke
the bequest to T. B. Dudley, and bequeath the same to my executor,
to whom also I give in fee simple all my lots and houses in Farmville,
and every other species of property whatever that I die possessed of,
saving the aforesaid specifications in my will. The codicil of 1826. The Codicil of 1828. In the will above recited, I give to my said ex'or, Wm. Leigh, the
refusal of the land above Owen's (now Clark's) ferry road, at a price that
I then thought very moderate, but which a change in the times has rendered
too high to answer my friendly intentions towards my said executor
in giving him that refusal. I do, therefore, so far, but so far only, modify
14
my said will as to reduce that price 50 per cent.; in other words, one-half,
at which he may take all the land above the ferry road that I inherited
from my father, all that I bought of the late John Daniel, deceased,
and of Tom Beaseley, Charles Beaseley, and others of that name
and family, this last being the land that Gabriel Beaseley used to have in
possession, and whereon Beverley Tucker lived, and which I hold by
deed from him and his wife, of record in Charlotte county court. As lawyers and courts of law are extremely addicted to making wills
for dead men, which they never made when living, it is my will and desire
that no person who shall set aside, or attempt to set aside, the will
above referred to, shall ever inherit, possess or enjoy any part of my estate,
real or personal. Codicil of 1831. The will of January 31st. 1832. I received my dear papa's affectionate epistle, and was sorry to find that
he thought himself neglected. I assure you, my dear sir, that there has
scarcely a fortnight elapsed since uncle's absence without my writing to
you, and I would have paid dearly for you to have received them. I sent
them by the post, and indeed no other opportunity except by Capt. Crozier,
and I did not neglect that. Be well assured, my dear sir, our expenses
since our arrival here have been enormous and by far greater than our
estate, especially loaded as it is with debt, can bear; however, I flatter myself,
my dear papa, that upon looking over the accounts you will find that
my share is, by comparison trifling, and hope that by the wise admonitions
of so affectionate a parent, and one who has our welfare and interest so
much at heart, we may be able to shun the rock of prodigality, upon which
so many people continually split, and by which the unhappy victim is
reduced, not only to poverty, but also to despair and all the horrors attending
it. I received last night your letter of the 17th instant,
covering a draft on the treasury for $104.27, for which accept my hearty
thanks. I wish I could thank you also for your news concerning the
conjectured "marriage between a reverend divine and one who has been
long considered among the immaculate votaries of Diana." I can easily
guess at the name of the former; but there are really so many ancient
maids in your town, of desperate expectations in the matrimonial lottery,
that it is no easy task to tell what person in particular comes under the
above denomination. I have been so unwell as to be incapable of carrying this to the post
office until to-day. Yesterday we had a most violent snow storm, which
lasted from 10 o'clock A. M. till two this morning, during which time it
snowed incessantly. Uncle T. is not come. No news of my trunk, at
which I am very uneasy. I wrote to Mr. Campbell by Capt. Dangerfield
to learn by what vessel it was sent, but have received no answer. There
is no such thing in this city as Blackstone in 4to. The house has come,
as yet, to no determination respecting Mr. Madison's resolutions. They
will not pass, thanks to our absent delegates; nay, were they to go
through the H. of R. the S. would reject them, as there is no senator from
Maryland and but one from Georgia. Thus are the interests of the Southern
States basely betrayed by the indolence of some and the villainy of
others of her statesmen,—Messrs. G—r, H—n and L—e generally voting
with the paper men. I was mistaken, my dear sir, when I said Uncle Tucker had not arrived
in town. He got here the day before yesterday, and did not know where
to find me. In my way to the post office this morning, I was told of his
arrival, and flew to see him. He looks as well as I ever saw him, and
was quite cheerful—made a number of affectionate enquiries concerning
you and your family, my brother and his wife and little boy. He cannot
go through Virginia in his way to Charleston. I pressed him very warmly
to do it, but you know his resolutions when once taken are unalterable.
I gave you in a former letter a full account of our friends in Bermuda.
My uncle says that they complain much of your neglecting to write to
them. He seemed much hurt at the circumstance. You cannot think
how rejoiced I was to see him look so well and cheerful. It has quite
revived my spirits. He stays in this city a week or ten days, when he
returns to New York, where he will remain five or six weeks before he
goes to Charleston. If you write him, which I suppose you will unquestionably
do, you had better direct to New York. I shall write next post,
till then, my dearest father, adieu. I must not forget to tell you that Dr.
Bartlett, the spermaceti doctor, as Mr. Tudor used to call him, has turned
privateersman, and commands a vessel out of Bermuda. Miss Betsy Gilchrist
is to be married to a Lieut. Hicks of the British army, and Mr.
Fibb, it is reported, is also to be married to another officer whose name I
do not recollect. I see that you begin again to cease writing to me;
and I hope that you will be so good as to send me a letter at least once a
week, as you are so shortly to set out on your circuit, when I cannot expect
to hear from you as often as when you are at home. The enclosed
letter I wrote some time ago. I have every day been expecting an opportunity
by which I could send it without subjecting you to the expense
of postage, which perhaps I too often do. As the subject is an important
one, I hope you will answer it as soon as you conveniently can. Your welcome letter of the 13th from Petersburg reached me yesterday.
I waited for its receipt, that I might acknowledge that of its predecessor
at the same time. I am sorry that I did so, for I wanted to know whether
I could advantageously place my horse, Roanoke, in your neighborhood?
I am sorry that you can't take filly; but I pledge, as the boys say,
a place for her in your training stables next autumn, and another if you
have it to spare. Could I get Bolling Graves, think you, to train for me?
I mean next autumn of course, for his spring engagements are no doubt
complete. There is some mistake about that rifle. It was never sent
home. The last time I saw it it was in J. M. & D.'s compting room.
Have I any other article there except the fir pole from Mont Blanc?
Uncle Nat.*
*Honorable Nathaniel Macon.
is greatly mended, and I am satisfied that if the "wicked
world cease from troubling," which they will not do in this world, I wish
they may in the next, he would be well. He made a remark to me the
other day, that forcibly reminded me of Gay's Shepherd and Philosopher—the
best of all his fables, except "the Hare and many friends." It
will not require your sagacity to make the application. "All animals,"
said he, "provide for their own offspring, and there the thing stops. The
birds rear their young by their joint cares and labours. The cow suckles
and takes care of her own calf, but she does not nurse or provide for that
calf's calf." "The birds do not build nests for their young one's eggs, nor
hatch them, nor feed the nestlings." Since the sailing of the last packet from Liverpool, I received
via St. Petersburg your letter of the 21st of August—the only one
that I have had the pleasure to get from you. This is no common-place address, for without profession
or pretension such you have quietly and modestly proved yourself to
be, while, like Darius, I have been This will be presented to you by my neighbor, Elisha E.
Hundley, whose affairs take him to what, in old times, we used to call
the Bear Grass Country. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 38 | Author: | Randolph
John
1773-1833 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Letters of John Randolph, to a young relative | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I send you by the New Orleans mail, "letters written
by the great Mr. Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, to
his nephew, when at college." You know my opinion of
Lord Chatham: that he was at once the greatest practical
statesman that ever lived, and the most transcendent orator.
With all this, he was a truly good man, (indeed, he must
have been, since virtue is essential to great excellence in
laudable pursuits,) and the most elegant and polished gentleman
of his time. We have examined the National School Manual, and
pleased with the plan. From our knowledge of the
various systems pursued in the country schools, many
which, upon the change of teachers, serve rather to
ard, than advance, the pupil, we do not hesitate to
commend the Manual, as having not only a tendency
uniformity and order, but also to save expense, the
complaint of which is without parallel. Having examined the general plan of the 1st, 2d, and
parts of the "National School Manual," and having
also taken a cursory view of some of the details, I
satisfied that it is a work of no common merit. I have examined with much care, and great satisfaction,
the "National School Manual," compiled by
M. R. Bartlett. The opinion I have formed of its merits,
is of little importance, after the numerous and highly
respectable testimonials to its value already in your
possession. I have examined with care and a high degree of interest
the work called the "National School Manual,"
by Mr. M. R. Bartlett, and am so well satisfied with its
merits, and that it will eventually be adopted in all our
common schools, to the exclusion of every other work
of the kind now in use, that I feel authorized to exert
my influence to have the work introduced forthwith
into my school. "The `Outlines of History,' I consider an excellent
class book of general history for the use of schools. The
questions added by Mr. Frost, are a most valuable auxiliary
for the teacher as well as the pupil. I shall use the
Outlines' in my school, and cordially recommend it to
parents and teachers. I have just received a copy of your edition
of the `Outlines of History.' From a cursory perusal, I
am disposed to give it a high rank as a school book. So
well satisfied am I with the arrangement and execution
of the work, that I intend to put it immediately into the
lands of a class in my own school. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 40 | Author: | Becker
Carl Lotus
1873-1945 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The Declaration of independence | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | It is often forgotten that the document which
we know as the Declaration of Independence is
not the official act by which the Continental
Congress voted in favor of separation from Great
Britain. June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, on
behalf of the Virginia delegation, submitted to
the Continental Congress three resolutions, of
which the first declared that "these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States, that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and
the State of Great Britain is, and ought to
be, totally dissolved."1
1Journals of Congress (Ford ed.), V, 424.
This resolution, which
may conveniently be called the Resolution of
Independence, was finally voted by the Continental
Congress on the 2 of July, 1776.2
2Ibid., 507.
Strictly
speaking, this was the official declaration of independence;
and if we were a nation of antiquaries
we should no doubt find an incongruity
in celebrating the anniversary of our independence
on the 4 of July. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
|
