| | 2 | Author: | Washington
Booker T.
1856-1915 | Add | | | Title: | The Story of the Negro  | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | RAN away, on the 6th of July last, from the subscriber, living in Bond's
forest, within eight miles of Joppa, in Baltimore County, an Irish
Servant Man, named Owen M'Carty, about 45 years old, 5 feet 8 inches
high, of a swarthy complexion, has long black hair, which is growing a
little grey, and a remarkable scar under the right eye. He had on and
took with him when he went away, a short brown coat, made of country
manufactured cloth, lined with red flannel, with metal buttons, oznabrigs
trowsers patched on both knees, a white shirt, an old pair of shoes, and an
old felt hat. He was a soldier in some part of America about the time of
Braddock's defeat, and can give a good description of the country. Whoever
takes up the said Servant and brings him to Alexander Cowan, or
John Clayton, Merchants, in Joppa, or to the subscriber, if he is taken in
the County, shall receive FIVE POUNDS, and if out of the County, the above-mentioned
TEN POUNDS, as a reward and consideration for his trouble
and expense. Barnard Reilly. Miss Varina: I have watched with deep interest and solicitude
the illness of Mr. Davis at Brierfield, his trip down on the steamer
Leathers, and your meeting and returning with him to the residence
of Mr. Payne, in New Orleans; and I had hoped with good
nursing and superior medical skill, together with his great willpower
to sustain him, he will recover. But, alas! for human endeavour,
an over-ruling Providence has willed it otherwise. I
appreciate your great loss, and my heart goes out to you in this
hour of your deepest affliction. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 3 | Author: | Washington
Booker T.
1856-1915 | Add | | | Title: | The Story of the Negro | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | To all and every our right worshipful and loving Brethren, we,
Thomas Howard, Earl of Effingham, Lord Howard, etc., etc.,
acting Grand Master under the authority of His Royal Highness,
Henry Frederick, Duke of Cumberland, etc., etc., Grand Master
of the Most Ancient and Honourable Society of Free and Accepted
Masons, send greeting: | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 4 | Author: | Washington
Booker T.
1856-1915 | Add | | | Title: | The Future of the American Negro | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | In this volume I shall not attempt to
give the origin and history of the Negro
race either in Africa or in America.
My attempt is to deal only with conditions
that now exist and bear a relation
to the Negro in America and that are
likely to exist in the future. In discussing
the Negro, it is always to be borne
in mind that, unlike all the other inhabitants
of America, he came here without
his own consent; in fact, was compelled
to leave his own country and
become a part of another through physical
force. It should also be borne in
mind, in our efforts to change and improve
the present condition of the Negro,
that we are dealing with a race which
had little necessity to labour in its native
country. After being brought to
America, the Negroes were forced to
labour for about 250 years under circumstances
which were calculated not to
inspire them with love and respect for
labour. This constitutes a part of the
reason why I insist that it is necessary
to emphasise the matter of industrial
education as a means of giving the
black man the foundation of a civilisation
upon which he will grow and
prosper. When I speak of industrial
education, however, I wish it always
understood that I mean, as did General
Armstrong, the founder of the Hampton
Institute, for thorough academic
and religious training to go side by
side with industrial training. Mere
training of the hand without the culture
of brain and heart would mean
little. "The closing exercises of the city
coloured public school were held at St.
Luke's A. M. E. Church last night, and
were witnessed by a large gathering, including
many white. The recitations
by the pupils were excellent, and the
music was also an interesting feature.
Rev. R. T. Pollard delivered the address,
which was quite an able one; and
the certificates were presented by Professor
T. L. McCoy, white, of the Sanford
Street School. The success of the
exercises reflects great credit on Professor
S. M. Murphy, the principal, who
enjoys a deservedly good reputation as
a capable and efficient educator." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 5 | Author: | Adams
Henry
1838-1918 | Add | | | Title: | The Education of Henry Adams | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | UNDER the shadow of Boston State House, turning its
back on the house of John Hancock, the little passage
called Hancock Avenue runs, or ran, from Beacon
Street, skirting the State House grounds, to Mount Vernon Street,
on the summit of Beacon Hill; and there, in the third house below
Mount Vernon Place, February 16, 1838, a child was born, and
christened later by his uncle, the minister of the First Church after
the tenets of Boston Unitarianism, as Henry Brooks Adams. Whether the Federal army is destroyed or not, it is clear that it
is driven back to Washington and has made no progress in subduing
the insurgent States. Such being the case, I agree with you that the
time is come for offering mediation to the United States Government
with a view to the recognition of the independence of the Confederates.
I agree further that in case of failure, we ought ourselves
to recognize the Southern States as an independent State. For the
purpose of taking so important a step, I think we must have a meeting
of the Cabinet. The 23d or 3Oth would suit me for the meeting. ...It is evident that a great conflict is taking place to the northwest
of Washington, and its issue must have a great effect on the state
of affairs. If the Federals sustain a great defeat, they may be at once
ready for mediation, and the iron should be struck while it is hot.
If, on the other hand, they should have the best of it, we may wait
a while and see what may follow... It is of the utmost importance and urgency that the ironclads building
at Birkenhead should not go to America to break the blockade.
They belong to Monsieur Bravay of Paris. If you will offer to buy
them on the part of the Admiralty you will get money's worth if he
accepts your offer; and if he does not, it will be presumptive proof
that they are already bought by the Confederates. I should state
that we have suggested to the Turkish Government to buy them;
but you can easily settle that matter with the Turks. . . . | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 8 | Author: | Turner
Frederick Jackson
1861-1932 | Add | | | Title: | The Frontier in American History | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | In a recent bulletin of the Superintendent of the Census for
1890 appear these significant words: "Up to and including
1880 the country had a frontier of settlement, but at present
the unsettled area has been so broken into by isolated bodies
of settlement that there can hardly be said to be a frontier
line. In the discussion of its extent, its westward movement,
etc., it can not, therefore, any longer have a place in the census
reports." This brief official statement marks the closing
of a great historic movement. Up to our own day American
history has been in a large degree the history of the colonization
of the Great West. The existence of an area of free land,
its continuous recession, and the advance of American settlement
westward, explain American development. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 9 | Author: | Adams
Abigail
1744-1818 | Add | | | Title: | Letters of Mrs. Adams | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "When President Monroe was in Boston, upon.
his late tour, encompassed by citizens, surrounded
by the military, harassed by invitations
to parties, and applications innumerable
for office, some gentleman asked him if he was
not completely worn out? To which he replied,
'O no. A little flattery will support a man
through great fatigue.' I may apply the observation
to myself and say, that the flattery in
your letter leads me to break through the aversion,
which is daily increasing upon me, to
writing. The public papers, my dear friend, announce
the fatal event of which your letter of October
the 20th had given me ominous foreboding.
Tried myself in the school of affliction, by the
loss of every form of connexion which can rive
the human heart, I know well, and feel what
you have lost, what you have suffered, are
suffering, and have yet to endure. The same
trials have taught me, that for ills so immeasurable,
time and silence are the only medicine.
I will not therefore, by useless condolences, open
afresh the sluices of your grief, nor, although
mingling sincerely my tears with yours, will I
say a word more where words are vain; but
that it is of some comfort to us both, that the
term is not very distant, at which we are to
deposit in the same cerement our sorrows and
suffering bodies, and to ascend in essence to an
ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved
and lost, and whom we shall still love and
never lose again. DOES not my friend think me a stupid girl, when
she has kindly offered to correspond with me, that
I should be so senseless as not to accept the offer?
Senseless and stupid I would confess myself, and
that to the greatest degree, if I did not foresee the
many advantages I shall receive from corresponding
with a lady of your known prudence and understanding. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 11 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Since my letter of November 27th on the subject of
what had taken place at New Orleans, a letter has been received
from the Governor of Louisiana to Governor Claiborne,
in which it is stated that the measure of the Intendant was
without instructions from his Government, and admitted
that his own judgment did not concur with that of the Intendant.
You will find by the printed documents herewith
transmitted that the subject engaged the early and earnest
attention of the House of Representatives, and that all the
information relating to it, possessed by the Executive, prior
to the receipt of that letter, was reported in consequence of a
call for it. The letter itself has been added to that report;
but being confidentially communicated, it does not
appear in print: a translation of it however is herewith inclosed.
You will find also that the House has passed a resolution
explicitly declaring that the stipulated rights of the
United States on the Mississippi will be inviolably maintained.
The disposition of many members was to give to the resolution
a tone and complexion still stronger. To these proofs of
the sensation which has been produced, it is to be added, that
representations, expressing the peculiar sensibility of the
Western Country, are on the way from every quarter of it, to
the Government. There is in fact but one sentiment
throughout the union with respect to the duty of maintaining
our rights of navigation and boundary. The only existing
difference relates to the degree of patience which ought to
be exercised during the appeal to friendly modes of redress.
In this state of things it is to be presumed that the Spanish
Government will accelerate by every possible means, its interposition
for that purpose; and the President charges you to
urge the necessity of so doing with as much amicable decision
as you can employ. We are not without hopes, that the
Intendant will yield to the demands which have been made
on him, and to the advice which he will have received from
the Spanish Minister here. But it will be expected from the
justice and good faith of the Spanish Government, that its
precise orders to that effect will be forwarded by the quickest
conveyance possible. The President wishes also, that the
expedient suggested in the letter above referred to, for preventing
similar occurrences and delays, may also be duly
pressed on that ground. Dear Sir,—Since you left us we have no further intelligence from N.
Orleans, except a letter dated Jany 20 from the vice Consular agent
there, from which it appears that the letters to the Govr. & Intendant
from the Spanish Minister here, had arrived abt. the 13th., and had not on
the 20th., produced the desired change in the state of things. The delay
however does not seem to have been viewed by the Consul as any proof,
that the Intendant would not conform to the interposition. The idea
continued that he had taken measures without orders from his Govt.
There are letters (according to that from the Consul) for the Marquis
Yrujo now on the way by land. These will probably shew whether the
Intendant will yield or not. The despatch vessel which carried the
Marquis's letters is not yet returned. The detention of her beyond the
allotted time is favorably interpreted by him; on the presumption that
she waits for a satisfactory answer, which the pride of the Intendant
postpones as long as possible. If West Florida can alone be purchased, it is certainly worth attending
to; but in that case, making the river Iberville the boundary as
it was made in the treaty of 1762 between France and England, the
article should be so worded as to give us the whole channel of that river,
or at least to permit us to open it so as to render it navigable in all seasons.
At present the bed is 30 feet above low water mark for 15 miles
from the Mississippi to Amit river; but I have no doubt that a very
small opening would be widened & deepened afterwards by the river.
There is no obstruction, the whole being level and mud or sand. But
supposing even a portage there, the advantage of american houses settled
in a american port would soon give a preference over New Orleans
to that port. The seaport may be perhaps on the main between Pearl
& Pargacola rivers; but certainly on the Island called "Ship Island"
as through the passage between that & the next island there are more
than 20 feet water & good anchorage close to the shore which faces the
main. A frigate of 36 guns was seen there by E. Jones, (the first clerk
in my office who is brother of our late consul at New Orleans & lived ten
years with him in W. Florida) & it is the reason of its bearing that name.
Judge Bay says that there is another island, called Deer Island close to
the entrance of Lake Pontchartrain which affords the same advantages.
That Jones disbelieves; but the other is certain, and as it is about half
way between Mobile & the Lake; as the whole navigation between these
two places is locked in by the Islands & safe even for open boats &
canoes; that island would become the proper seaport for both rivers
Mississippi and Mobile; for you can bring but 9 feet up Mobile bay, 7
feet over the bar of Lake Pontchartrain & 15 over the bar at the mouth
of the Mississippi. It results from all that, that the possession of West
Florida, even without New Orleans island, is extremely inmportant, and
that if it can be obtained, it ought expressly to include all the islands
within twenty leagues or such distance as to include those which are
marked on the map.—Enclosed to James Monroe, 1 Mar. 1803—Mad.
MSS. Dear Sir You will receive with this all the communications claimed
by the actual & eventual posture of our affairs in the hands of yourself
& M.r Livingston. You will find also that the Spanish Govt. has pretty
promptly corrected the wrong done by its Officer at N. Orleans. This
event will be a heavy blow to the clamorous for war, and will be very
soothing to those immediately interested in the trade of the Missisipi.
The temper manifested by our Western Citizens has been throughout
the best that can be conceived. The real injury from the suspension of
the deposit was howr*
* Italics for cypher.
much lessened by the previous destruction of the
intire crop of wheat in Kentucky, by the number of sea vessels built on
the Ohio and by throngs of vessels from Atlantic ports to the Mississippi,
some of which ascended to the Matches. The permission also to supply
the market at N. O. & to ship the surplus as Spanish property to
Spanish ports, was turned to good account. The trial therefore has been
much alleviated. Certain it is that the hearts and hopes of the Western
people are strongly fixed on the Mississippi for the future boundary.
Should no improvement of existing rights be gained the disappointment
will be great. Still respect for principle & character, aversion to war &
taxes the hope of a speedy conjuncture more favorable, and attachment to
the present order of things will be persuasive exhortations to patience.
It is even a doubt with some of the best judges whether the deposit
alone would not be waved for a while rather than it should be the immediate
ground of war and an alliance with England. This suggested a
particular passage in the official letter now sent you & M.r L. Dear Sir I received your favor of by Mr. Hughes, the
bearer of the public despatches from you & Mr. L. The purchase of
Louisiana in its full extent, tho' not contemplated is received with
warm, & in a manner universal approbation. The uses to which it may
be turned, render it a truly noble acquisition. Under prudent management
it may be made to do much good as well as to prevent much evil.
By lessening the military establishment otherwise requisite or countenanced,
it will answer the double purpose of saving expence & favoring
liberty. This is a point of view in which the Treaty will be particularly
grateful to a most respectable description of our Citizens. It will be of
great importance also to take the regulation & settlement of that Territory
out of other hands, into those of the U.S. who will be able to manage
both for the general interest & conveniency. By securing also the
exclusive jurisdiction of the Mississippi to the mouth, a source of much
perplexity & collision is effectually cut off. Dear Sir Finding that Mr. Purveyance is within reach of a few
lines, I add them to what he is already charged with, to observe that
Yrujo has written another remonstrance agst. our acquisition of Louisiana,
alledging as a further objection that France by not obtaining the
stipulated acknowledgmets. of the King of Etruria from the Courts of
Petersburg & London had a defective title herself to the Cession. Nothing
can be more absurd than these cavils on the part of Spain, unless it
should be her using in support of them force agst. our taking possession.
This she will scarcely attempt, if not backed by France, wch. we hope is
impossible. I am writing on this subject to Livingston & Pinkney.
I have already done so to Yrujo giving him to understand, that we shall
not withhold any means that may be rendered necessary to secure our
object. Pichon is perfectly well disposed, is offended with the Spanish
Minister, & if left under the orders he now has, will cooperate zealously,
with an honest view to the honor & obligations of his own Country.
On our part I trust every thing that the crisis demands will be done, and
that we shall speedily be in possession of the valuable object which the
Treaty with France has gained for us. Baring is here, but having not
yet called on me I have had no opportunity of paying him civilities or
obtaining explanations from him. I wait anxiously for your next.
Your last was of Aug. 15. I hope you have been favorably recd., and
will bring the British Govt. more & more to understand their own interests
as well as our rights. Insist on instructions to all their naval officers,
to abstain from impressions & to respect our jurisdictional rights.
Incidents are daily occurring which otherwise may overcome the calculating
policy of the Present Executive, & provoke the public temper
into an irresistible impetus on the public Councils. Mr. K. says that
if he cd. have remained a little longer, the British Govt. might possibly
have been brought into a contract guarding agst. this evil; but that the
business is to be effected at that Court by the U. S. not so well by formal
notes & official discussions as by the frankness & familiarity of explanatory
& expostulatory observations in private discourse. I give you this
in confidence, as a hint that may be useful. Mr. Purveyance had
seized your wishes before I returned hither, & I did not know till
this moment that he had not sailed. I write in great haste to secure
the present mail, which is the only one that promises a conveyance by
him. He will give you much public & all private information.—Mad.
MSS. Sir I recd. your favor of the 21 prairial, with a pleasure which is redoubled
by the consideration that I am able in acknowledging it, to
inform you of the formal approbation of the late Treaty & conn. by
every branch of our Govt. The event establishes, I hope forever, perfect
harmony between the two Countries. It is the more likely to do so,
as it is founded in a policy, coeval with their political relations, of removing
as much as possible all sources of jealousy & collision. The
frankness & uprightness which marked the progress of this transaction,
are truly honorable to all concerned in it; and it is an agreeable circumstance,
that, in the exchange of ratifications, it was closed in the same
spirit of mutual confidence, Mr. Pichon inferring, doubtless with the
truest reason, that an unqualified exchange, under actual circumstances,
would best accord with the real views of his Government. Dear Sir I have recd I believe all your letters public and private
down to that of October 22, written merely to say that all continued
well. I have taken due care of the communications on the subject of
your—. Everything seems to be well understood on this side the
water. I cannot say more now as I write of necessity without cypher. The treaty as actually presented by Purviance is as follows: | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 12 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I have the Honour of informing you, that His Majesty, having
been persuaded that the honourable Reparation which he had caused
to be tendered for the unauthorized attack upon the American Frigate
Chesapeake, would be accepted by the Government of the United
States, in the same Spirit of conciliation, with which it was proposed,
has instructed me, to express His Satisfaction, should such a happy
Termination of that affair take Place—not only as having removed
a painful cause of Difference, but as affording a fair Prospect of a
complete and cordial understanding, being reestablished between the
two Countries. In consequence of the Acceptance by the President, as stated in
your Letter, dated the 18th Instant, of the Proposals, made by me
on the Part of His Majesty, in my Letter of the same Day, for the
Renewal of the Intercourse between the respective Countries, I am
authorized to declare, that His Majesty's orders in Council of January
and November, 1807, will have been withdrawn as respects the United
States on the 10th Day of June next. Dr Sir I return your Copy of Gideon's Edition of the Federalist,
with the memorandums requested in your note of the 16th. I shall
take a pleasure in adding any other circumstances which you may
wish to know, and I may be able to communicate. Sir I have duly recd. your letter of the 15th. inst. with the handsome
copy of your edition of the "Federalist." As this replaces the Copy
sent you, there is the less occasion for a return of the latter. It may
be proper perhaps to observe that it is not the [only] one containing
the names of the writers Correctly prefixed to their respective papers.
I had a considerable time ago, at the request of particular friends,
given the same advantage to their copies. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 13 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | My Dear Friend,—Yours of the 28 of June like
the preceding one found me at this place, where my
preparations for leaving Congs. will keep me much of
the remainder of my time. The footing on which
the Impost is placed by the Assembly is not an eligible
one, but preferable to a total rejection. It is to
be regretted that immediate use was not made of the
impression of the letter from Genl. W. The interval
preceding the next Session will give full scope to
malignant insinuations. The reversal of the award
in the case of Nathan may possibly be just in itself;
but it will require all your eloquence I fear to shield
the honor of the State from its effects. The Agency
which the Delegation had in the affair will impart no
small share of the mortification to them. I suppose
the feelings of Mr. Jefferson & Mr. Harrison also will
not be much delighted by it. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 14 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Rev Sir—I am not a little affected at hearing of
your misfortune, but cannot but hope the cure may be
so far accomplished as to render your journey not inconvenient.
Your kind Advice & friendly cautions
are a favour that shall be always gratefully remembered,
& I must beg leave to assure you that my
happiness, which you and your brother so ardently
wish for, will be greatly augmented by both your
enjoyments of the like blessing. SIR,—The complexion of the intelligence received of late from Spain, with the
manner of thinking which begins to prevail in Congress with regard to the claims
to the navigation of the Mississippi, makes it our duty to apply to our constituents
for their precise, full and ultimate sense on this point. If Spain should
make a relinquishment of the navigation of that river on the part of the United
States an indispensable condition of an alliance with them, and the State of Virginia
should adhere to their former determination to insist on the right of navigation,
their delegates ought to be so instructed, not only for their own satisfaction,
but that they may the more effectually obviate arguments drawn from a supposition
that the change of circumstances, which has taken place since the former
instructions were given, may have changed the opinion of Virginia with regard
to the object of them. If, on the other side, any such change of opinion
should have happened, and it is now the sense of the State that an alliance with
Spain ought to be purchased even at the price of such a cession if it can not be
obtained on better terms, it is evidently necessary that we should be authorized
to concur in it.—It will also be expedient for the Legislature to instruct us in
the most explicit terms whether any and what extent of territory on the East
side of the Mississippi and within the limits of Virginia, is in any event to
be yielded to Spain as the price of an alliance with her.—Lastly, it is our earnest
wish to know what steps it is the pleasure of our Constituents we should
take, in case we should be instructed in no event to concede the claims of Virginia
either to territory or to the navigation of the above-mentioned river, and
Congress should without their concurrence agree to such concession. . . . . . . . . . . "My Dear Sir,—Since my last the Danae a French frigate has arrived from
France with money for the French army and public despatches. A snow storm
drove her on shore in this Bay where she was in danger of following the fate of
one of the last Frigates from France. The accident as it turned out only cost
her all her masts. The despatches for Congress are from Mr. Franklin, Mr.
Jay, & the Marquis de la Fayette, and come down to the 14th. of Octr. They
advise that the 1st. Commission issued to Mr. Oswald empowered him to
treat with certain colonies &c., which being objected, another issued explicitly
empowering him to Treat with commisrs from the thirteen United States. The
latter, of which a copy was inclosed, and which will be transmitted to the
Executives, is grounded on the Act of Parliament, but is to continue in force
no longer than July 1783. It is no doubt on the whole a source of very soothing
expectations, but if we view on one side the instability & insidiousness of
the British Cabinet, and, on the other the complication of interest and pretensions
among the Allies, prudence calls upon us to temper our expectations with much
distrust. "Your favor of the 13th. instant arrived a few minutes after I sealed my last.
That of the 20th. came duly to hand yesterday. The sensations excited in Mr.
Jones and myself by the Repeal of the law in favor of the Impost were such as
you anticipated. Previously to the receipt of your information a letter from
Mr. Pendleton to me had suspended the progress of the Deputies to Rhode
Island. Yours put an entire stop to the mission, until the plan or some other
can be extended to the case of Virga. The letter from the Govr., of the same
date with your last, gives a hope that our representations may regain her support
to the impost without further steps from Congress. Your doubt as to her
power of revoking her accession would, I think have been better founded, if she
had not been virtually absolved by the definite rejection of Rho: Island;
altho' that rejection ought perhaps have been previously authenticated to her.
I beg you to be circumstantial on this subject especially as to the parties and
motives which led to the repeal, and may oppose a reconsideration. After a silence of 4 weeks your favor of the 26 Ult, was particularly welcome.
Your conjecture was but too well founded as to the compiler of the Proclamation.
The offensive passages were adverted to by some, but the general
eagerness on the occasion, increased by some unavoidable delays, rendered all
attempts to draw the attention of Congress to smaller inaccuracies unacceptable. Your favor of the 21. Ult: written at Col: Pendleton's was brought to hand
by the Post of last week Col: Floyd's family did not set out until the day
after it was received. I accompanied them as far as Brunswick, about 60
miles from this and returned hither on friday evening. . . . Congress have
recd a long and curious letter from Mr. Adams, dated in Feb. addressed to the
president not to the Secretary for foreign affairs. He animadverts on the revocation
of his commn for a treaty of commerce with great Britain presses the
appointment of a minister to that Court with such a commn draws the picture
of a fit character in which his own likeness is rediculously & palpably studied
finally praising and recommending Mr Jay for the appointment provided
injustice must be done an older servant. Marbois lately took occasion in our family to complain of ungenerous proceedings
of the British against individuals, as well as against their enemies at large,
and finally signified that he was no stranger to the letter transmitted to Congress
which he roundly averred to be spurious. His information came from Boston,
where the incident is said to be no secret; but whether it be the echo of letters
from Philada. or has transpired from the correspondence of Mr. Adams to his
private friends is uncertain. This conversation passed during my absence in
new Jersey, but was related to me by Mr. Carroll. Your favour of the 9th inst. was duly brought by yesterday's Mail. My impatience
is great to know the reception given to the propositions of Congress by
the Assembly. I foresaw some of the topics which are employed against them,
& I dread their effect from the eloquent mouths which will probably enforce
them; but I do not despair. Until those who oppose the plan, can substitute
some other equally consistent with public justice & honor, and more conformable
to the doctrines of the Confederation, all those who love justice and
aim at the public good will be advocates for the plan. The greatest danger is
to be apprehended from the difficulty of making the latter class sensible of the
impracticability or incompetency of any plan short of the one recommended;
the arguments necessary for that purpose being drawn from a general survey of
the federal system, and not from the interior polity of the States singly. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 15 | Author: | Madison
James
1751-1836 | Add | | | Title: | The Writings of James Madison | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Dear Sir The privilege of franking having
ceased with the Convention, I have waited for this
opportunity of inclosing you a copy of the proposed
Constitution for the U. States. I forbear to make
any observations on it; either on the side of its
merits or its faults. The best Judges of both will
be those who can combine with a knowledge of the
collective & permanent interest of America, a freedom
from the bias resulting from a participation in
the work. If the plan proposed be worthy of adoption,
the degree of unanimity attained in the Convention
is a circumstance as fortunate, as the very
respectable dissent on the part of Virginia is a subject
of regret. The double object of blending a proper
stability & energy in the Government with the essential
characters of the republican Form, and of tracing
a proper line of demarkation between the national
and State authorities, was necessarily found to be as
difficult as it was desirable, and to admit of an infinite
diversity concerning the means among those who
were unanimously agreed concerning the end. Your favor of the 2d Ulto was not recd till my arrival here on monday
evening. I found contrary to my expectation that not only a very
full house had been made on the first day, but that it had proceeded
to the appointment of the President & other officers. Mr. Pendleton
was put into the chair without opposition. Yesterday little more was
done than settling some forms and Resolving that no question general
or particular should be propounded till the whole plan should be considered
& debated, clause by clause. This was moved by Col. Mason,
and contrary to his expectations, concurred in by the other side. Today
the discussions commenced in Committee of the whole. The Governor
has declared the day of previous amendments passed, and thrown himself
fully into the federal scale. Henry & Mason made a lame figure
& appeared to take different and awkward ground. The federalists
are a good deal elated by the existing prospect. I dare not however
speak with certainty as to the decision. Kentucky has been extremely
tainted, is supposed to be generally adverse, and every piece of address
is going on privately to work on the local interests & prejudices of
that & other quarters. In haste I am Dear Sir,—Your favor of came to hand by the mail of
Wednesday. I did not write by several late returns for two reasons:
one the improbability of your having got back to Mount Vernon; the
other a bilious indisposition which confined me for several days. I
am again tolerably well recovered. No question direct or indirect has yet been taken by which the state
of parties could be determined, of course each is left to enjoy the
hopes resulting from its own partial calculations. It is probable the
majority on either side will not exceed 3, 4, 5, or 6. I indulge a belief
that at this time the friends of the Constitution have the advantage
in point of number. Great moderation as yet marks our proceedings.
Whether it be the effect of temper, or of the equality of forces and the
uncertainty of victory, will be seen by the event. We are at present
on the Executive Department. Mr. H—y has not made any opposition
to it, though it was looked for. He may however still mean to
make one; or he may lay by for an exertion against the Judiciary. I
find myself not yet restored and extremely feeble. No question has yet been taken by which the strength of parties can
be determined. The calculations on different sides do not accord;
each making them under the bias of their particular wishes. I think
however the friends of the Constitution are most confident of superiority,
and am inclined myself to think they have at this time the advantage
of 3 or 4 or possibly more in point of number. The final question
will probably decide the contest in a few days more. We are now on
the Judiciary Department, against which the last efforts of the adversaries
seem to be made. How far they will be able to make an
impression, I cannot say. It is not probable that many proselytes
will be made on either side. As this will be handed to you at Court
you can make its contents known to Majr Moore and other friends to
whom I have not time separately to write. With my regards to my
mother & the family I remain yr affec. Son.—Mad. MSS. We got through the Constitution by paragraphs today. Tomorrow
some proposition for closing the business will be made. On our side a
ratification involving a few declaratory truths not affecting its validity
will be tendered. The opposition will urge previous amendments.
Their conversation today seemed to betray despair. Col. Mason in
particular talked in a style which no other sentiment could have produced.
He held out the idea of civil convulsions as the effects of
obtruding the Government on the people. He was answered by several
and concluded with declaring his determination for himself to acquiesce
in the event whatever it might be. Mr. H—y endeavored
to gloss what had fallen from his friend, declared his aversion to the
Constitution to be such that he could not take the oath; but that he
would remain in peaceable submission to the result. We calculate
on a majority, but a bare one. It is possible nevertheless that some
adverse circumstance may happen. I am, Dr Sr in haste Yrs entirely.
—Wash. MSS. Yesterday carried us through the discussion of the constitution by
paragraphs. Today will probably carry forward some proposition and
debates relative to the final step to be taken. The opposing party
will contend for previous amendments. On the other side a conciliatory
declaration of certain fundamental principles in favor of liberty,
in a form not affecting the validity and plenitude of the ratification, will
be proposed. The final question is likely to be decided by a small
majority. I do not know that either party despairs absolutely. The
friends of the Convention seem to be in the best spirits; and I hope
have the best reason to be so. At the same time it is not impossible
they may miscalculate their number, and that accidents may reduce
it below the requisite amount, two members on that side, who went
away with a purpose of returning are still absent, it is said; and a
third is so ill as to render his vote somewhat precarious. It may be
questioned whether on any estimate this loss if it shd. continue may
not endanger the results. On the question to-day for previous amendments, the votes stood
8o ays—88 noes. On the final question the ratification passed 89
ayes—79 noes. Subsequent amendments will attend the act; but are
yet to be settled. The temper of the minority will be better known
to-morrow. The proceedings have been without flaw or pretext of it;
and there is no doubt that acquiescence if not cordiality will be manifested
by the unsuccessful party. Two of the leaders however betray
the effect of the disappointment, so far as it is marked in their countenances. Being informed that reports prevail not only that I am opposed to
any amendments whatever to the new federal Constitution, but that
I have ceased to be a friend to the rights of Conscience; and inferring
from a conversation with my brother William, that you are disposed
to contradict such reports as far as your knowledge of my sentiments
may justify, I am led to trouble you with this communication of them.
As a private Citizen it could not be my wish that erroneous opinions
should be entertained, with respect to either of those points, particularly
with respect to religious liberty. But having been induced,
to offer my services to this district as its representative in the federal
Legislature, considerations of a public nature make it proper that,
with respect to both, my principles and views should be rightly understood. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Our business here goes on very slowly, though in a spirit of moderation
and accommodation which is so far flattering. The bill for
regulating the quantum of duties is not yet come back from the Senate.
Some alterations will be made, but none that affect the substance of
the plan, unless it be the abolition of a small favor to the Nations in
Alliance with us copied from the laws of Virginia. One of our Senators1
1 Lee.
whose ideas on another point excite animadversions among his constituents
seems not to consult their sentiments on this. I think myself
that it is impolitic, in every view that can be taken of the subject,
to put G. Britain at once on the footing of a, most favored nation. The
bill for collecting the duties is now before the H. of Reps, and I fear will
not be very quickly despatched. It has passed thro' several hands
legal as well as mercantile, and, notwithstanding is in a crude state.
It might certainly have been put into a better; though in every step
the difficulties arising from novelty are severely experienced, and are
an ample as well as just source of apology. Scarcely a day passes
without some striking evidence of the delays and perplexities springing
merely from the want of precedents. Time will be a full remedy for
this evil; and will I am persuaded, evince a greater facility in legislating
uniformly for all the States than has been supposed by some of the
best friends of the Union. . . . . The papers now covered contain a sketch of a very
interesting discussion which consumed great part of the past week.
The Constitution has omitted to declare expressly by what authority
removals from office are to be made. Out of this silence four constructive
doctrines have arisen, 1. that the power of removal may
be disposed of by the Legislative discretion. To this it is objected
that the Legislature might then confer it on themselves, or even on
the House of Reps, which could not possibly have been intended by
the Constitution. 2. that the power of removal can only be exercised
in the mode of impeachment. To this the objection is that it would
make officers of every description hold their places during good behavior,
which could have still less been intended. 3. that the power
of removal is incident to the power of appointment. To this the
objections are that it would require the constant Session of the Senate,
that it extends the mixture of Legislative & Executive power,
that it destroys the responsibility of the President by enabling a
subordinate Executive officer to intrench himself behind a party in
the Senate, and destroys the utility of the Senate in their Legislative
and Judicial characters, by involving them too much in the heats and
cabals inseparable from questions of a personal nature; in fine, that
it transfers the trust in fact from the President who being at all times
impeachable as well as every 4th year eligible by the people at
large, may be deemed the most responsible member of the Government,
to the Senate who from the nature of that institution, is and
was meant after the Judiciary & in some respects without that exception
to be the most irresponsible branch of the Government. 4. that
the Executive power being in general terms vested in the President,
all power of an Executive nature, not particularly taken away must
belong to that department, that the power of appointment only being
expressly taken away, the power of Removal, so far as it is of an
Executive nature must be reserved. In support of this construction
it is urged that exceptions to general positions are to be taken strictly,
and that the axiom relating to the separation of the Legislative &
Executive functions ought to be favored. To this are objected the
principle on which the 3d construction is founded, & the danger of
creating too much influence in the Executive Magistrate. I lost no time in handing to the President the address inclosed in
your favor of the 22 of May, and have postponed an acknowledgement
of the latter in expectation of being able at the same time to
cover the President's answer. This has been and continues to be
delayed by a very serious indisposition, we hope he is not in much
danger, but are by no means without our fears also. His disorders
commenced in a fever which has greatly reduced him, and is terminating
in a very large tumor which, unless it degenerate itself into a dangerous
malady, will probably be remedial. I am particularly obliged by your favor of the 3d, which incloses
your remarks on the Judiciary bill. It came to hand yesterday only,
and I have not had time to compare your suggestions with the plan of
the Senate: nor do I know the alterations which may have taken place
in it since it has been under discussion. In many points, even supposing
the outline a good one, which I have always viewed as controvertible,
defects and inaccuracies were striking. Your ideas on the proposed discrimination between foreign Nations
coincide I perceive exactly with those which have governed me. The
Senate did not allow that no effort should be made for vindicating
our commercial interests, but argued that a more effectual mode
should be substituted. A Come. was appd. in that branch to report
such a mode. The report made is founded on something like a retort
of her restrictions in the W. Inda. channels. It is now said that as the
measure would involve an imposition of extraordinary duties, the
Senate cannot proceed in it. Mr. Gerry alluding to these circumstances
moved two days ago for a bill giving further encouragement
to trade & navigation, and obtained a Committee for the purpose.
What will be the result is uncertain. If the attempt added to what has
passed should as it probably will, be made known abroad, it may lead
to apprehensions that may be salutary. "I am just favd. with yours of the 30th inst: and am glad to find
your sentiments so decided as to the power of removal by the Presidt.
Every letter to me and as far as I know to others here from Virga.
ratifies the propriety of the decision of Congress. Our last discussions
of moment have turned on the compensations. The bill as gone to
the Senate allows six dollars a day to the members of both houses.
My own idea was that it should have been less for the Reps. & more
for the Senate. With equal emoluments the ablest men will prefer
the H. of Reps. and the Senate will degenerate into an unfitness for
the great dignity of its institution. The rate allowed is unpopular in
this quarter of the Union. But the truth is that 6 dollars [is more
necessary] for the distant states particularly S. C. & Georgia than it
would be to N. Jersey, Connecticut, &c, and a defective allowance
would put the states at a distance under disadvantages of a very
serious nature. Add to this that a less sum than 6 dollars for the
Senate (whose case was involved in that of the H. of Reps. after the
vote agst. a discrimination) could not well be thought of. On these
grounds the measure must rest for its vindication. I am afraid it
will be disrelished in your part of Virga. & cannot say I am satisfied
with it myself. With men of liberal turns and who know the former
allowance made to Congress by the States and who moreover take into
view the situation & voting of the different states, an apologetic reasoning
on the subject will not be sufficient, with those of another cast, the
case will be different . . ."—Va. Hist. Soc. MSS. For a week past the subject of amendts. has exclusively occupied the
H. of Reps. Its progress has been exceedingly wearisome not only on
account of the diversity of opinions that was to be apprehended, but
of the apparent views of some to defeat by delaying a plan short of
their wishes, but likely to satisfy a great part of their companions in
opposition throughout the Union. It has been absolutely necessary
in order to effect anything, to abbreviate debate, and exclude every
proposition of a doubtful & unimportant nature. Had it been my
wish to have comprehended every amendt. recom̃ended by Virga., I
should have acted from prudence the very part to which I have been
led by choice. Two or three contentious additions would even now
prostrate the whole project. The week past has been devoted to the subject of amendments:
all that remains is a formal vote on a fair transcript which will be
taken this morning; and without debate I hope, as each of the propositions
has been agreed to by two thirds of the House. The substance
of the report of the Committee of eleven has not been much varied.
It became an unavoidable sacrifice to a few who knew their concurrence
to be necessary, to the dispatch if not the success of the business,
to give up the form by which the amendts. when ratified would have
fallen into the body of the Constitution, in favor of the project of
adding them by way of appendix to it. It is already apparent I
think that some ambiguities will be produced by this change, as the
question will often arise and sometimes be not easily solved, how far
the original text is or is not necessarily superceded, by the supplemental
act. A middle way will be taken between the two modes, of
proposing all the amendts. as a single act to be adopted or rejected in
the gross, and of proposing them as independent amendts. each of
which shall take place or not, as it may be individually decided on.
The several propositions will be classed according to their affinity to
each other, which will reduce them to the number of 5 or 6 in the
whole, to go forth as so many amendts. unconnected with one another. I was favd. on Saturday with yours of the 2d instant.
The Judiciary is now under consideration. I view it as you do, as
defective both in its general structure, and many of its particular regulations.
The attachment of the Eastern members, the difficulty of
substituting another plan, with the consent of those who agree in disliking
the bill, the defect of time &c, will however prevent any radical
alterations. The most I hope is that some offensive violations of
Southern jurisprudence may be corrected, and that the system
may speedily undergo a reconsideration under the auspices of the
Judges who alone will be able perhaps to set it to rights. The pressure of unfinished business has suspended the
adjournment of Congs. till Saturday next. Among the articles which
required it was the plan of amendments, on which the two Houses so
far disagreed as to require conferences. It will be impossible I find
to prevail on the Senate to concur in the limitation on the value of
appeals to the Supreme Court, which they say is unnecessary, and
might be embarrassing in questions of national or Constitutional importance
in their principle, tho' of small pecuniary amount. They
are equally inflexible in opposing a definition of the locality of Juries.
The vicinage they contend is either too vague or too strict a term, too
vague if depending on limits to be fixed by the pleasure of the law,
too strict if limited to the County. It was proposed to insert after
the word Juries, "with the accustomed requisites," leaving the definition
to be construed according to the judgment of professional men.
Even this could not be obtained. The truth is that in most of the
States the practice is different, and hence the irreconcileable difference
of ideas on the subject. In some States, jurors are drawn from, the
whole body of the community indiscriminately; in others, from large
districts comprehending a number of Counties; and in a few only from
a single County. The Senate suppose also that the provision for
vicinage in the Judiciary bill, will sufficiently quiet the fears which
called for an amendment on this point. On a few other points in the
plan the Senate refuse to join the House of Reps. Your favor of Jany. 9, inclosing one of Sept. last did not get to hand
till a few days ago.*
* See the letter in Ford's Writings of Jefferson, v., 115.
The idea which the latter evolves is a great one;
and suggests many interesting reflections to Legislators; particularly
when contracting and providing for public debts. Whether it can
be received in the extent to which your reasonings carry it, is a question
which I ought to turn more in my thoughts than I have yet been able
to do, before I should be justified in making up a full opinion on it.
My first thoughts lead me to view the doctrine as not in all respects
compatible with the course of human affairs. I will endeavour to
sketch the grounds of my skepticism. "As the Earth belongs to the
living, not to the dead, a living generation can bind itself only; in
every Society the will of the majority binds the whole; according to
the laws of mortality, a majority of those ripe for the exercise of their
will do not live beyond the term of 19 years; to this term then is
limited the validity of every act of the Society, nor can any act be
continued beyond this term without an express declaration of the
public will." This I understand to be the outline of the argument. I have not yet recd. a single line from Orange since I left it. The
letter from my brother when at Alexa. is the only written information
that I have had the pleasure of, a few lines from. Mr. Hite excepted.
These gave an account of my sisters marriage, and added that about
that period my mother was better. I am anxious to hear more on
that subject, and indulge my hopes that her health will yet be reestablished. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 17 | Author: | Woodson
Carter Godwin
1875-1950 | Add | | | Title: | A Century of Negro Migration | | | | Published: | 2003 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | THE migration of the blacks from the Southern
States to those offering them better
opportunities is nothing new. The objective
here, therefore, will be not merely to present the
causes and results of the recent movement of
the Negroes to the North but to connect this
event with the periodical movements of the
blacks to that section, from about the year 1815
to the present day. That this movement should
date from that period indicates that the policy
of the commonwealths towards the Negro must
have then begun decidedly to differ so as to
make one section of the country more congenial
to the despised blacks than the other. As a
matter of fact, to justify this conclusion, we
need but give passing mention here to developments
too well known to be discussed in detail.
Slavery in the original thirteen States was the
normal condition of the Negroes. When, however,
James Otis, Patrick Henry and Thomas
Jefferson began to discuss the natural rights of
the colonists, then said to be oppressed by Great
Britain, some of the patriots of the Revolution
carried their reasoning to its logical conclusion,
contending that the Negro slaves should be
freed on the same grounds, as their rights were
also founded in the laws of nature.1
1 Locke, Anti-Slavery, pp. 19, 20, 23; Works of John Wool-,
man, pp. 58, 73; and Moore, Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts,
p. 71.
And so it
was soon done in most Northern commonwealths. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
|
