Subject | • | Bitner collection |
(22)
| | • | Black biographical dictionaries, 1790-1950 |
(1)
| | • | CH-AmPoetry |
(1288)
| | • | CH-DatabaseAfrAmPoetry |
(100)
| | • | CH-EnglPoetry |
(4469)
| | • | CH-EnglVerseDrama |
(2284)
| | • | California studies in the history of art |
(3)
| | • | Cambridge studies in social anthropology |
(1)
| | • | Chadwyck-Healey, American Poetry |
(1288)
| | • | Chadwyck-Healey, Database of African-American poetry, 1760-1900 |
(100)
| | • | Chadwyck-Healey, English Poetry |
(4469)
| | • | Chadwyck-Healey, English Verse Drama |
(2284)
| | • | Harper's library of select novels |
(2)
| | • | Henry Bitner letters |
(22)
| | • | Leather-stocking tales |
(2)
| | • | Letters written to Henry A. Bitner |
(22)
| | • | Papers (American Association of Architectural Bibliographers) |
(1)
|  | Path |
(13945)
| | • | Redpath's Books for the camp fires |
(1)
| | • | Smithsonian miscellaneous collections |
(3)
| | • | Studies in Bibliography |
(3)
| | • | The Corinne Carr Nettleton Civil War Collection |
(109)
| | • | The Harvard classics |
(1)
| | • | UVA-LIB-ASChurchletters |
(14)
| | • | UVA-LIB-Bitnerletters |
(24)
| | • | UVA-LIB-BoardOfVisitorsMinutes |
(772)
| | • | UVA-LIB-Bookerletters |
(25)
| | • | UVA-LIB-EarlyAmFict1789-1875 |
(773)
| | • | UVA-LIB-LewisClark |
(12)
| | • | UVA-LIB-Liberianletters |
(51)
| | • | UVA-LIB-Nettletoncivilwarletters |
(109)
| | • | UVA-LIB-Text |
(13945)
| | • | UVA-LIB-WestwardExplor |
(25)
| | • | UVA-LIB-grizzard |
(1)
| | • | University of New Mexico bulletin |
(2)
| | University of Virginia |
(638)
| | • | University of Virginia Library, Early American Fiction, 1789-1875 |
(773)
| | • | University of Virginia Library, Lewis and Clark collection |
(12)
| | • | University of Virginia Library, Modern English collection |
(890)
| | • | University of Virginia Library, Text collection |
(12946)
| | • | University of Virginia Library, Westward Exploration collection |
(25)
| | • | Wiley & Putnam's library of American books |
(1)
| | • | Wiley and Putnam's library of American books |
(6)
| | • | black biographical dictionaries, 1790 1950 |
(1)
| | • | harpers library of select novels |
(2)
| | • | harvard classics |
(1)
| | • | leather stocking tales |
(2)
| | • | papers american association of architectural bibliographers |
(1)
| | • | redpaths books for the camp fires |
(1)
| | • | wiley & putnams library of american books |
(1)
| | • | wiley and putnams library of american books |
(6)
|
| | 181 | Author: | Smith
Margaret Vowell | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Virginia, 1492-1892  | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Elizabeth, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland,
Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to whom these presents
shal come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, certaine science,
& meere motion, we have giuen and graunted, and by these presents for
vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt to our trusty and well-beloued
seruant, Walter Ralegh, Esquire, and to his heires and assignes
for euer, free liberty & licence from time to time, and at all times for euer
hereafter, to discouer, search, finde out, and view such remote, heathen,
and barbarous lands, countreis, and territories, not actually possessed of
any Christian prince, nor inhabited by Christian people, as to him, his
heires and assignes, and to euery or any of them shall seeme good, and
the same to haue, holde, occupy & enioy to him, his heires and assignes
for euer, with all prerogatives, commodities, iurisdictios, royalties, priuiledges,
franchises and preeminences, thereto or thereabouts both by sea
and land, whatsoeuer we by our letters patents may grant, and as we or any
of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons,
bodies politique or corporate; and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires and
assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of vs, our heires
and successors, shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine, there
to build and fortifie, at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh, his
heires & assignes, the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues,
or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realm of
England without licence, or any other statute, act, law, or any ordinance
whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Whereas Wee, by our letters pattents under our great seale of England,
bearing date att Westminster, the tenth day of Aprill, in the year of our
raigne of England, France and Ireland the fourth, and of Scotland the
39th, have given lycence to sundry our loving subjects named in the said
letters pattents and to their associates, to deduce and conduct two several
Colonies or plantations of sundry our loving people willing to abide and
inhabit in certain parts of Virginia and America, with divers preheminences,
priviledges, authorities and other things, as in and by the same
letters pattents more particularly it appeareth, Wee according to the effect
and true meaning of the same letters pattents, doe by these presents,
signed with our hand, signe manuel and sealed with our privy seale of
our realme of England, establish and ordaine, that our trusty and well
beloved Sir William Wade, Knight, our Lieutenant of our Tower of London,
Sir Thomas Smith, Knight, Sir Walter Cope, Knight, Sir George
Moor, Knight, Sir Francis Popeham, Knight, Sir Ferdinando Gorges,
Knight, Sir John Trevor, Knight, Sir Henry Montague, Knight, recorder
of the citty of London, Sir William Rumney, Knight, John Dodderidge,
Esq., Sollicitor General, Thomas Warr, Esqr., John Eldred of the citty of
London, merchant, Thomas James of the citty of Bristol, merchant, and
James Bagge of Plymouth, in the county of Devonshire, merchant, shall
be our councel for all matters which shall happen in Virginia or any the
territories of America, between thirty-four and fourty-five degrees from
the æquinoctial line northward, and the Islands to the several collonies
limitted and assigned, and that they shall be called the King's Councel of
Virginia, which councel or the most part of them shal have full power
and authority, att our pleasure, in our name, and under us, our heires and
successors, to give directions to the councels of the several collonies which
shal be within any part of the said country of Virginia and America,
within the degrees first above mentioned, with the Islands aforesaid, for
the good government of the people to be planted in those parts, and for
the good ordering and desposing of all causes happening within the same,
and the same to be done for the substance thereof, as neer to the common
lawes of England, and the equity thereof, as may be, and to passe under
our seale, appointed for that councel, which councel, and every and any
of them shall, from time to time be increased, altered or changed, and
others put in their places, att the nomination of us, our heires and successors,
and att our and their will and pleasure, and the same councel of
Virginia, or the more part of them, for the time being, shall nominate and
appoint the first several councellours of those several councells, which are
to be appointed for those two several colonies, which are to be made plantations
in Virginia and America, between the degrees before mentioned,
according to our said letters pattents in that behalfe made; and that each
of the same councels of the same several colonies shal, by the major part
of them, choose one of the same councel, not being the minister of God's
word, to be president of the same councel, and to continue in that office
by the space of one whole year unless he shall in the meantime dye or be
removed from the office; and we doe further hereby establish and ordaine,
that it shal be lawful for the major part of either of the said councells,
upon any just cause, either absence or otherwise, to remove the president
or any other of that councel, from being either president, or any of that
councel; and upon the deathes or removal of any of the presidents or
councel, it shall be lawful for the major part of that councel to elect
another in the place of the party soe dying or removed, so alwaies, as
they shal not be above thirteen of either of the said councellours, and wee
doe establish and ordaine, that the president shal not continue in his office
of presidentship above the space of one year; and wee doe specially
ordaine, charge, and require the said president and councells, and the
ministers of the said several colonies respectively, within their several
limits and precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe
provide, that the true word and service of God and Christian faith be
preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several
colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as much as they may amongst the
salvage people which doe or shall adjoine unto them, or border upon them,
according to the doctrines, rights, and religion now professed and established
within our realme of England. Captaine Martine, we are to request50
50request, McDowell.
you upon sight hereof, with all
convenient speed to repaire hither to James citty to treatt and conferre
wth us about some matters of especial51
51especiall,
McDonald.
importance, wch concerns52
52concerne, McDonald and Bancroft.
both
us and the whole Colony and yourself. And of this we praye you not to
faile. `Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Burgesses of this Grand
Assembly, for God's glory and the public benefit of the Colony, to the
end that God might avert his heavy judgments that are upon us, that the
last Wednesday in every month be set apart for fast and humiliation, and
that it be wholly dedicated to prayers and preaching, &c. First. It is agreed and cons ted that the plantation of Virginia, and
all the inhabitants thereof, shall be and remaine in due obedience and
subjection to the common wealth of England, according to the lawes there
established, And that this submission and subscription bee acknowledged
a voluntary act not forced nor constrained by a conquest upon the countrey,
And that they shall have and enioy such freedomes and priviledges as
belong to the free borne people of England, and that the former government
by the comissions and instructions be void and null. First. That neither Governour nor councill shall be obliged to take
any oath or engagement to the Common-Wealth of England for one whole
yeare, And that neither Governor nor Councill be censured for praying
for or speaking well of the King for one whole yeare in their private
houses or neighbouring conference. "Whereas it appears by act of Assembly held at James Cittie in May,
1652, That it was agreed vpon and thought best by the then commissioners
for the parliament, and the Burgesses of the then a sembly, That the right
of election of all officers of this collony should be and appertaine to the
Burgesses, the representatives of the people, Now know yee, That wee
the present Burgesses of this Grand Assembly have a cordingly constituted
and ordained the severall persons vnder written to be the Governour,
Councill & Commissioners of this country of Virginia vntil the next
Assembly or vntil the further pleasure of the supreme power in England
shall be known. The Governour and Councill for many important causes do think fitt
hereby to declare, That they do now disolve this present Assembly. And
that the Speaker accordingly do dismiss the Burgesses. The Answer of the Burgesses to the declaration
of the Honourable Governour and Councill. Vpon your assurance of a speedy issue to conclude the acts so near
brought to a confirmation in this Assembly, wee are willing to come to a
speedy conclusion, And to referre the dispute of the power of disolving and
the legality thereof to his Highnesse, the Lord Protector: The House is vnanimously of opinion that the answer returned is
vnsatisfactory, and desire with as much earnestnes as the honourable
Governour and Councill have expressed, a speedy dispatch, and propose
That the Governour and Councill please to declare. Vpon your promise received of the speedy and happy conclusion, wee
revoke the declaration for the dissolution of the Assembly, and referre the
dispute of the power of dissolving and the legality thereof to his Highnesse
the Lord Protector. Wee have considered the present constitution of the government
of Virginia and do propose, That wee find by the records The present
power of government to reside in such persons as shall be impowered
by the Burgesses (the representatives of the people) who are not
dissolvable by any power now extant in Virginia, but the House of Burgesses. These are in the name of his Highnesse the Lord Protector to will and
require you not to act orr execute any warrant, precept or command
directed to you from any other power or person then the Speaker of this
hon'ble. House, whose commands you are hereby required to obey and not
to decline therefrom vntill further order from vs the Burgesses of this
present Grand Assembly, hereof faile not as you will answer the contrary
at your perill. Given 2d. Apr. 58. Act I. "Whereas the necessity of the country being in danger of the oppression
company and the losse of our liberties for want of such an agent
in England as is able to oppose the invaders of our freedomes and truly to
represent our condition to his sacred majestie enforceth the employing a
person of quality to present our grievances to his majesty's gracious consideration
and endeavour the redresse which the right honorable Sir William
Berkeley his majestyes governor hath been pleased to undertake.
Bee itt therefore enacted that there be raysed by the country the some of
two hundred thousand pounds of tobacco and cask for his the said Sir William
Berkeley's support in his voyage; and that payment be made thereof
by the 20th of January in Yorke river and James river to such persons as
his honor shall appoint and that the secretary of state and speaker of the
assembly signe a manifesto to the governor of the country's engagement
for payment thereof."*
*Hening's Statutes at Large, Vol. II., page 17.
Att a Grand Assemblie, Holden at James Cittie by prorogation from
the twentie third of March, 1660, to the twentie third of March 1661; and
thence to the twentie third of December 1662, in the fourteenth year of the
raigne of our soveraigne Lord, Charles the Second, by the grace of God, of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc.
To the glorie of Almightie God and the publique good of this his Majesties
colonie of Virginia: "First.—We declare all due allegiance and obedience to our lawful
Sovereign, George the Third, King of Great Britain. And we determine
to the utmost of our power to preserve the laws, the peace, and good order
of this Colony, as far as is consistent with the preservation of our constitutional
rights and liberty. Copy sent the Governor,
(Thomas Jefferson)
on the 15th January, 1781. The general assembly of Virginia being well satisfied that the happiness,
strength and safety of the United States, depend, under Providence,
upon the ratification of the articles for a federal union between the United
States, heretofore proposed by congress for the consideration of the said
states, and preferring the good of their country to every object of smaller
importance, Do Resolve, That this commonwealth will yield to the congress
of the United States, for the benefit of the said United States, all
right, title, and claim that the said commonwealth hath to the lands
northwest of the river Ohio, upon the following conditions, to wit: That
the territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into states containing
a suitable extent of territory, and shall not be less than one hundred
nor more than one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto
as circumstances will admit: That the states so formed shall be distinct
republican states, and be admitted members of the federal union, having
the same rights of sovereignty, freedom and independence as the other
states. It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming,
being the only acting member of council for some time before the appointment
of chief magistrate, did give orders for the calling out the militia,
and also pursued such other measures as were essential to good government,
and it is just and reasonable that he should be indemnified therein: Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress have published
their proclamation, announcing the signature and ratification of the preliminary
articles of peace between the several powers at war, and commanding
the citizens of these United States to cease from any farther
hostilities against his Britannic Majesty and his subjects, both by sea and
land: "Everybody knows I have the highest opinion of you as an officer,
and you know I love you as a friend; whatever may be your determination,
to retire or continue in service, my affection will accompany you.
I am, with esteem and affection, your most obedient humble servant, "Whereas it is shewn to the present General Assembly, that the government
of the United States is solicitous that certain lands at Old Point
Comfort, and at the shoal called the Rip Raps, should be, with the right
of property and entire jurisdiction thereon, vested in the said United
States for the purpose of fortification, and other objects of national defence, | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 182 | Author: | Kennedy
Philip Pendleton
1808-1864 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The Blackwater chronicle | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | If the reader will take down the map of Virginia,
and look at Randolph county, he will find that the
Blackwater is a stream that makes down from the
north into the Cheat river, some few miles below
the point where that river is formed by the junction
of the Dry fork, the Laurel fork, and the Glade
fork—the Shavers, or Great fork, falling in some
miles below: all rising and running along the western
side of the Backbone of the Alleganies. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 183 | Author: | Charlottesville (Va.) | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The code of the city of Charlottesville, Virginia, 1945 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | As contained in an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
approved March 24, 1922 (Acts 1922, p. 697 et seq.), and all
acts amendatory thereof, to and including the acts of 1944. "WHEREAS, the director of finance has received the full purchase
price of the property hereby conveyed as is evidenced by
his signature hereto. "THIS AGREEMENT, made and entered into this ......
day of .............., 19.., by and between the CITY OF
CHARLOTTESVILLE, VIRGINIA, hereinafter referred to
as the City, and ........, hereinafter referred to as Owner. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 184 | Author: | De Hass
Wills
1818?-1910 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | History of the early settlement and Indian wars of Western Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "Whereas, by a treaty at Easton, in the year 1758, and
afterwards ratified by his Majesty's ministers, the country to the
west of the Alleghany mountain is allowed to the Indians for
their hunting ground. And as it is of the highest importance
to his Majesty's service, and the preservation of the peace,
and a good understanding with the Indians, to avoid giving
them any just cause of complaint: This is therefore to forbid
any of his Majesty's subjects to settle or hunt to the west of
the Alleghany mountains, on any pretence whatever, unless
such have obtained leave in writing from the general, or the
governors of their respective provinces, and produce the same
to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt. And all the officers
and non-commissioned officers, commanding at the several
posts erected in that part of the country, for the protection
of the trade, are hereby ordered to seize, or cause to be
seized, any of his Majesty's subjects, who, without the above
authority, should pretend, after the publication hereof, to settle
or hunt upon the said lands, and send them, with their horses
and effects, to Fort Pitt, there to be tried and punished according
to the nature of their offence, by the sentence of a
court martial. What did you kill my people on Yellow creek for? The white people
killed my kin at Conestoga, a great while ago, and I thought nothing of
that. But you killed my kin again on Yellow creek, and took my cousin
prisoner. Then I thought I must kill too; and I have been three times to
war since; but the Indians are not angry, only myself. I have this moment received certain intelligence that the
enemy are coming in great force against us, and particularly
against Wheeling. You will immediately put your garrison
in the best posture of defence, and lay in as great a quantity
of water as circumstances will admit, and receive them coolly.
They intend to decoy your garrison, but you are to guard
against stratagem, and defend the post to the last extremity. We, the subscribers, do hereby certify that the within specified appraisements
are just and true, to the best of our judgments; and that the several
articles were lost in the late unhappy defeat near M'Mechen's narrows, on
the 27th of September, 1777—as witness our hands, this 3d of October, 1777. On Monday afternoon, September 11, 1782, a body of about 300 Indians,
and 50 British soldiers, composing part of a company known as the `Queen's
Rangers,' appeared in front of the fort, and demanded a surrender. These
forces were commanded respectively by the white renegade Girty, and a
Captain Pratt. Yours of the 8th instant has just come to
hand, and I with pleasure sit down to answer your request,
which is a statement of my adventure with the Indians. I
will give the narrative as found in my sketch book. I was
born in Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, February 4th,
1777. When about eight years old, my father, James Johnson,
having a large family to provide for, sold his farm, with
the expectation of acquiring larger possessions further west.
Thus he was stimulated to encounter the perils of a pioneer
life. He crossed the Ohio river, and bought some improvements
on what was called Beach Bottom Flats, two and a
half miles from the river, and three or four miles above the
mouth of Short creek, with the expectation of holding by
improvement right under the Virginia claim. Soon after we
reached there, the Indians became troublesome; they stole
horses, and killed a number of persons in our neighborhood.
When I was between eleven and twelve years old, in the
month of October, 1788, I was taken prisoner by the Indians,
with my brother John, who was about eighteen months older
than I. The circumstances were as follows:—On Saturday
evening, we were out with an older brother, and came home
late in the evening. The next morning one of us had lost a
hat, and about the middle of the day, we thought that perhaps
we had left it where we had been at work, about three-fourths
of a mile from the house. We went to the place and
found the hat, and sat down on a log by the road-side, and
commenced cracking nuts. In a short time we saw two men
coming toward us from the house. By their dress, we supposed
they were two of our neighbors, James Perdue and
J. Russell. We paid but little attention to them, until they
came quite near us, when we saw our mistake; they were
black. To escape by flight was impossible, had we been disposed
to try. We sat still until they came up. One of
them said, "How do, brodder?" My brother asked them if
they were Indians, and they answered in the affirmative, and
said we must go with them. One of them had a blue buckskin
pouch, which we gave my brother to carry, and without
further ceremony, he took up the line of march for the
wilderness, not knowing whether we should ever return to
our cheerful home; and not having much love for our commanding
officers, of course we obeyed orders rather tardily.
The mode of march was thus—one of the Indians walked
about ten steps before, the other about ten behind us. After
travelling some distance, we halted in a deep hollow and sat
down. They took out their knives and whet them, and talked
some time in the Indian tongue, which we could not understand.
My brother and me sat eight or ten steps from them,
and talked about killing them that night, and make our
escape. I thought, from their looks and actions, that they
were going to kill us; and, strange to say, I felt no alarm.
I thought I would rather die than go with them. The most
of my trouble was, that my father and mother would be fretting
after us—not knowing what had become of us. I expressed
my thoughts to John, who went and began to talk
with them. He said that father was cross to him, and made
him work hard, and that he did not like hard work; that he
would rather be a hunter, and live in the woods. This seemed
to please them; for they put up their knives, and talked more
lively and pleasantly. We became very familiar, and many
questions passed between us; all parties were very inquisitive.
They asked my brother which way home was, several
times, and he would tell them the contrary way every time,
although he knew the way very well. This would make them
laugh; they thought we were lost, and that we knew no better.
They conducted us over the Short creek hills in search
of horses, but found none; so we continued on foot until
night, when we halted in a hollow, about three miles from
Carpenter's fort, and about four from the place where they
first took us; our route being somewhat circuitous, we made
but slow progress. As night began to close in, I became
fretful. My brother encouraged me, by whispering that
we would kill them that night. After they had selected
the place of our encampment, one of them scouted round,
whilst the other struck fire, which was done by stopping the
touch-hole of his gun, and flashing powder in the pan. After
the Indian got the fire kindled, he re-primed the gun and
went to an old stump, to get some tinder wood, and while he
was thus employed, my brother John took the gun, cocked it,
and was about to shoot the Indian: alarmed lest the other
might be close by, I remonstrated, and taking hold of the
gun, prevented him shooting; at the same time I begged him
to wait till night, and I would help him kill them both.
The other Indian came back about dark, when we took our
supper, such as it was,—some corn parched on the coals, and
some roasted pork. We then sat and talked for some time.
They seemed to be acquainted with the whole border settlement,
from Marietta to Beaver, and could number every
fort and block-house, and asked my brother how many fighting
men there were in each place, and how many guns. In
some places, my brother said, there were a good many more
guns than there were fighting men. They asked what use
were these guns. He said the women could load while the
men fired. But how did these guns get there? My brother
said, when the war was over with Great Britain, the soldiers
that were enlisted during the war were discharged, and they
left a great many of their guns at the stations. They asked
my brother who owned that black horse that wore a bell? He
answered, father. They then said the Indians could never
catch that horse. We then went to bed on the naked ground,
to rest and study out the best mode of attack. They put us
between them, that they might be the better able to guard us.
After awhile, one of the Indians, supposing we were asleep,
got up and stretched himself on the other side of the fire, and
soon began to snore. John, who had been watching every
motion, found they were sound asleep. He whispered to me
to get up, which we did as carefully as possible. John took
the gun with which the Indian had struck fire, cocked it, and
placed it in the direction of the head of one of the Indians.
He then took a tomahawk, and drew it over the head of the
other Indian. I pulled the trigger, and he struck at the same
instant; the blow falling too far back on the neck, only
stunned the Indian. He attempted to spring to his feet,
uttering most hideous yells, but my brother repeated the
blows with such effect that the conflict became terrible, and
somewhat doubtful. The Indian, however, was forced to
yield to the blows he received on his head, and in a short
time he lay quiet at our feet. The one that was shot never
moved; and fearing there were others close by, we hurried
off, and took nothing with us but the gun I shot with. They
had told us we would see Indians about to-morrow, so we
thought that there was a camp of Indians close by; and fearing
the report of the gun, the Indian hallooing, and I calling
to John, might bring them upon us, we took our course
towards the river, and on going about three-fourths of a mile,
came to a path which led to Carpenter's fort. My brother
here hung up his hat, that he might know where to take
off to find the camp. We got to the fort a little before daybreak.
We related our adventure, and the next day a small
party went out with my brother, and found the Indian that
was tomahawked, on the ground; the other had crawled off,
and was not found till some time after. He was shot through
close by the ear. Having concluded this narrative, I will give
a description of the two Indians. They were of the Delaware
tribe, and one of them a chief. He wore the badges of his
office—the wampum belt, three half-moons, and a silver plate
on his breast; bands of silver on both arms, and his ears cut
round and ornamented with silver; the hair on the top of his
head was done up with silver wire. The other Indian seemed
to be a kind of waiter. He was rather under size, a plain
man. He wore a fine beaver hat, with a hole shot through
the crown. My brother asked him about the hat. He said
he killed a captain and got his hat. My brother asked him
if he had killed many of the whites, and he answered, a good
many. He then asked him if the big Indian had killed many
of the whites, and he answered, a great many, and that he
was a great captain—a chief. * * * * * Your note of this day I have duly received, and with sincere
pleasure proceed to comply with your requisitions; especially, as the facts
will have a more fitting and enduring place of record, than if stated in a
public print—which it was my intention to have done, had you not presented
a superior vehicle. Brigadier-General McIntosh having requested from
Congress leave to retire from the command of the westward,
they have, by a resolve of the 20th February, granted his
request, and directed me to appoint an officer to succeed him.
From my opinion of your abilities, your former acquaintance
with the back country, and the knowledge you must have
acquired upon this last tour of duty, I have appointed you to
the command in preference to a stranger, as he would not
have time to gain the necessary information between that of
his assuming the command and the commencement of operations. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 185 | Author: | Brock
R. A.
(Robert Alonzo)
1839-1914 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Virginia and Virginians | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "It appearing to the General Assembly that Colonel William Fleming,
being the only acting member of the council for some time before
the appointment of the Chief Magistrate, did give orders for the calling
out the militia, and also pursued such other measures as were essential
to good government, and it is just and reasonable that he should be
indemnified therein, Nothing can surprise me more than to see you attempt a settlement
upon the lands of the king, my master, which obliges me now, sir,
to send you this gentleman, Chevalier Le Mercier, captain of the artillery
of Canada, to know of you, sir, by virtue of what authority you are
come to fortify yourself within the dominions of the king, my master.
This action seems so contrary to the last treaty of peace, at Aix-la-Chapelle,
between his most Christian majesty and the King of Great
Britain, that I do not know to whom to impute such an usurpation, as it
is uncontested that the lands situated along the beautiful river belong to
his most Christian majesty. "Now, therefore, we, the People of Virginia, do Declare and Ordain,
That the ordinance adopted by the people of this State in convention on
the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven
hundred and eighty-eight, whereby the Constitution of the United States
of America was ratified; and all the acts of the General Assembly of
this State ratifying or adopting amendments to said constitution are hereby
repealed and abrogated; that the union between the State of Virginia
and the States under the constitution aforesaid, is hereby dissolved, and
that the State of Virginia is in the full possession and exercise of all the
rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and independent
State. And they do further declare, that said Constitution of the
United States of America is no longer binding on any of the citizens of
this State. In accordance with the substance of my letter to you
on the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of
Northern Virginia on the following terms, to wit: Rolls of all the officers
and men to be made in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer
designated by me, the other to be retained by such officer or officers as
you may designate. The officers to give their individual paroles not to
take up arms against the government of the United States until properly
exchanged, and each company or regimental commander to sign a
like parole for the men of his command. The arms, artillery, and public
property to be packed and stacked, and turned over to the officers
appointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side arms
of the officers nor their private horses or baggage. This done, each
officer and man will be allowed to return to his home, not to be disturbed
by the United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and
the laws in force where they may reside. I received your letter of this date, containing the terms
of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as proposed by you.
As they are substantially the same as those expressed in your letter of
the 8th instant, they are accepted. I will proceed to designate the
proper officer to carry the stipulations into effect. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 186 | Author: | Withers
Alexander Scott
1792-1865 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Chronicles of border warfare, or, A history of the settlement by the whites, of north-western Virginia, and of the Indian wars and massacres in that section of the state | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | At the time when Virginia became known to the whites,
it was occupied by many different tribes to Indians, attached
to different nations. That portion of the state
lying north west of the Blue ridge, and extending to the
lakes was possessed by the Massawomees. These were a
powerful confederacy, rarely in amity with the tribes east
of that range of mountains; but generally harrassing
them by frequent hostile irruptions into their country.
Of their subsequent history, nothing is now known.
They are supposed by some to have been the ancestors of
the Six Nations. It is however more probable, that they
afterwards became incorporated with these, as did several
other tribes of Indians, who used a language so essentially
different from that spoken by the Six Nations, as to render
the intervention of interpreters necessary between
them. "Lieutenant Governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a Truce
for three days, during which time he promises, there shall not be any
defensive work carried on in the Garrison, on Condition Colol. Clark
shall observe on his part a like cessation from any offensive Work— "Colonel Clark's Compliments to Mr. Hamilton and begs leave to
inform him that Col. Clark will not agree to any Other Terms than that
of Mr. Hamilton's Surrendering himself and Garrison, Prisoners at
Discretion— | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 187 | Author: | Henderson
Archibald
1877-1963 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The conquest of the old Southwest | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | AT the opening of the eighteenth century
the tide of population had swept inland
to the "fall line," the westward boundary of
the established settlements. The actual frontier
had been advanced by the more aggressive
pioneers to within fifty miles of the Blue
Ridge. So rapid was the settlement in North
Carolina that in the interval 1717-32 the population
quadrupled in numbers. A map of the
colonial settlements in 1725 reveals a narrow
strip of populated land along the Atlantic
coast, of irregular indentation, with occasional
isolated nuclei of settlements further in the interior.
The civilization thus established continued
to maintain a close and unbroken communication
with England and the Continent.
As long as the settlers, for economic reasons,
clung to the coast, they reacted but slowly to
the transforming influences of the frontier.
Within a triangle of continental altitude with
its apex in New England, bounded on the
east by the Atlantic, and on the west by the
Appalachian range, lay the settlements, divided
into two zones—tidewater and piedmont.
As no break occurred in the great mountain
system south of the Hudson and Mohawk valleys,
the difficulties of cutting a passage
through the towering wall of living green long
proved an effective obstacle to the crossing
of the grim mountain barrier. After my compliments to
you, I shall acquaint you of our misfortunes.
On March the 25 a party of Indians fired on
my Company about half an hour before day,
and killed Mr. Twitty and his negro, and
wounded Mr. Walker very deeply, but I hope
he will recover. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 189 | Author: | unknown | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | A new and comprehensive gazetteer of Virginia, and the District of Columbia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | "I have recently returned from a geological excursion in Virginia. I entered the
state near the head waters of the Potomac, passed thence to Winchester, followed the
course of that fine Valley to the Natural Bridge; retracting my steps, I turned westwardly
at Staunton, crossed the mountain at Jennings' Gap, and visited the justly
celebrated medicinal springs in that region, returning, I went from Staunton through
Charlottesville to Richmond, and down the James to its mouth. When this tour is
taken in connection with a former visit to Wheeling, it will be conceded that I have
seen enough of the state to enable me to form a rough estimate of its geological and
mineralogical importance and I do assure you sir, that although my anticipations
were far from being meagre, I was astonished at the vastness and variety of interesting
objects in that department of natural history, that were constantly developing
themselves, inviting the mind of man to reflection, and his hand to industry, and displaying
at every step the wisdom and benificence of the Great Creater. In answer to your letter of the 29th ult
I have much pleasure in stating, that I
was highly gratified by my excursion to
the Red Sulphur Springs last season. It
was my first visit to that place, and I was
so much pleased with the water, the entertainment
and the scenery, that my stay
was protracted, with enjoyment, for nearly
three weeks. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 190 | Author: | Howe
Henry
1816-1893 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Historical collections of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | The term of service for which the Petersburg Volunteers were engaged having expired,
they are permitted to commence their march to Virginia, as soon as they can be
transported to the south side of the lake. George W. Smith, governor, A. B. Venable, president of the bank, Benjamin Botts, wife, and niece,
Mrs. Tayloe Braxton, Mrs. Patterson, Mrs. Gallego, Miss Conyers, Lieut. J. Gibbon, in attempting to save
Miss Conyers; Mrs. E. Page, Miss Louisa Mayo, Mrs. William Cook, Miss Elvina Coutts, Mrs. John Lesley,
Miss M. Nelson, Miss Nelson, Miss Page, Wm. Brown, Miss Julia Hervey, Miss Whitlock, George
Dixon, A. Marshall (of Wythe) broke his neck in attempting to jump from a window, Miss Ann Craig,
Miss Stevenson, (of Spottsylvania,) Mrs. Gibson, Miss Maria Hunter, Mrs. Mary Davis, Miss Gerard,
Thomas Lecroix, Jane Wade, Mrs. Picket, Mrs. Heron, Mrs. Laforest and niece, Jo. Jacobs, Miss Jacobs,
Miss. A. Bausman, Miss M. Marks, Edward Wanton, Jr., two Misses Trouins, Mrs. Gerer, Mrs. Elicott,
Miss Patsey Griffin, Mrs. Moss and daughter, Miss Littlepage, Miss Rebecca Cook, Mrs. Girardin and two
children, Miss Margaret Copeland, Miss Gwathmey, Miss Clay, daughter of M. Clay, member of Congress,
Miss Gatewood, Mrs. Thomas Wilson, Wm. Southgate, Mrs. Robert Greenhow, Mrs. Convert and child,
Miss Green, Miss C. Raphael. Whereas on complaint of Luke Hill in behalf of her Magesty yt. now is agt. Grace
Sherrwood for a peson suspected of withcraft & having had sundey: evidences sworne
agt: her proving many cercumstances & which she could not make any excuse or little
or nothing to say in her own behalf only seemed to rely on wt. ye. Court should doe
& thereupon consented to be tryed in ye. water & likewise to be serched againe wth.
experimts: being tryed & she swiming Wn. therein & bound contrary to custom & ye.
Judgts. of all the spectators & afterwards being serched by ffive antient weamen who
have all declared on oath yt. she is not like ym: nor noe other woman yt. they knew of
having two things like titts on her private parts of a Black coller being blacker yn: ye:
rest of her body all wth: cercumstance ye. Court weighing in their consideracon doe
therefore ordr. yt. ye. Sherr: take ye. sd. Grace into his costody & to comit her body to
ye. common Joal of this County their to secure her by irons or otherwise there to remain
till such time as he shall be otherwise directed in ordr. for her coming to ye. common
goal of ye: Countey to be brought to a ffuture tryall there. "Our proposition to the Cherokee chiefs to visit Congress, for the purpose of preventing
or delaying a rupture with that nation, was too late. The storm had gathered to a
head when Major Martin (the agent) had got back. It was determined, therefore, to
carry the war into their country, rather than wait it in ours; and I have it in my power
to inform you that, thus disagreeably circumstanced, the issue has been successful. I
enclose the particulars as reported to me." Col. Arthur Campbell's report to Mr. Jefferson
is dated Washington county, Jan. 15, 1781. "The militia (he says) of this and the
two western North Carolina counties (now Tennessee) have been fortunate enough to
frustrate the designs of the Cherokees. On my reaching the frontiers, I found the Indians
meant to annoy us by small parties. To resist them effectually, the apparently
best measure was to transfer the war without delay into their own borders. "York county October ye 26th, 1696. I promise to give five pounds sterling towards
building the cott. house at Yorké Town, and twenty pounds sterl'g if within two years
they build a brick church att the same towne. As witness my hand ye day and year
above written. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 194 | Author: | unknown | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Studies in bibliography | | | | Published: | 2007 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | At the opening panel of the 2001 conference of the Society for
Textual Scholarship, some interesting remarks about copy-text
were delivered by John Unsworth, a member of the Modern
Language Association's Committee on Scholarly Editions
(CSE). Unsworth said that he had originally planned to tell his audience
that "the Greg-Bowers theory of editing" or "copy-text theory" had
once enjoyed "hegemony within the CSE," but no longer did, owing to
challenges from outside the Greg-Bowers school, where the focus was on
other "periods, languages, and editorial circumstances." Unsworth submitted
this thesis to Robert H. Hirst, the chair of the CSE at the time,
for his thoughts, and reported receiving the following reply: | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 195 | Author: | Bouldin
Powhatan
1830-1907 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Home reminiscences of John Randolph | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | JOHN RANDOLPH was the most remarkable character
that this country has ever produced; indeed, it is
doubted whether there ever lived in any country a man
so brilliant and at the same time so eccentric. A great deal
has been written concerning him, and yet the public curiosity
has been by no means satisfied. We purpose to add our
contribution, which is composed in a great measure of the
recollections of his old constituents and neighbors. But,
before entering upon our proper task of home reminiscences,
let us give an outline of our subject, reserving future chapters
for the completion of the picture. If it should meet your view I will preach the funeral of
your servant Billy at 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the second Sabbath in
September. Such of your black people as may attend the meeting at
Mossingford on that day may reach your house by that time, and the meeting
will be closed in time for them to reach their homes by night. "Indeed, my attention had been, in some measure, distracted by the
scene of distress which my house has exhibited for some time past. Mr.
Curd breathed his last on Thursday morning, half past three o'clock, after
a most severe illness, which lasted sixteen days. I insisted on his coming
up here, where he had every possible aid, that the best medical aid, and
most assiduous nursing could afford him. During the last week of his
sickness I was never absent from the house but twice, about an hour each
time, for air and exercise; I sat up with him, and gave him almost all of
his medicines, with my own hand, and saw that every possible attention
was paid to him. This is to me an unspeakable comfort, and it pleased
God to support me under this trying scene, by granting me better health
than I had experienced for seven years. On Thursday evening I followed
him to the grave; and soon after, the effects of the fatigue and distress
of mind that I had suffered, prostrated my strength and spirits, and I
became ill. Three successive nights of watching were too much for my
system to endure; I was with him, when he died without a groan or a
change of feature." I understand several expressions have escaped you, in their
nature personal and highly injurious to my reputation. The exceptionable
language imputed to you may be briefly and substantially comprised
in the following statements: That you have avowed the opinion that I
was a rogue—that you have ascribed to me the infernal disposition to
commit murder to prevent the exposition of my sinister designs, and
through me have stigmatized those citizen soldiers who compose the
military corps of our country. No person can be more sensible of the
pernicious tendency of such cruel and undeserved reflections in their
application to public men, or private individuals than yourself; nor is any
man more competent to determine the just reparation to which they
establish a fair claim. Under these impressions I have no hesitation to
appeal to your justice, your magnanimity and your gallantry, to prescribe
the manner of redress, being persuaded your decision will comport with
the feelings of a man of honor—that you will be found equally prompt
to assert a right or repair a wrong. I transmit this letter through the
post-office, and shall expect your answer by such a channel as you may
deem proper. Several months ago I was informed of your having said that you
were acquainted with what had passed in the grand jury room at Richmond
last spring, and that you declared a determination to challenge me.
I am to consider your letter of the last night by mail as the execution of
that avowed purpose, and through the same channel I return you my
answer. Whatever may have been the expressions used by me in regard
to your character, they were the result of deliberate opinion, founded on
the most authoritative evidence, the greater part of which my country imposed
upon me, to weigh and decide upon; they were such as to my
knowledge and to yours have been delivered by the first men in the Union,
and probably by a full moiety of the American people. Infirm as your health is, your country has
made another call upon you for your services. I have no right to ask,
nor do I enquire whether you will accept of this highly honorable appointment.
As a friend I have a right to say your country has no further
claims upon you, and that you ought to consult your own comfort and
happiness. I cannot express to you how deeply I am penetrated by your note
which Peyton has this moment handed to me. The office of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
to Russia will soon become vacant, and I am anxious that the
place should be filled by one of the most capable and distinguished
of our fellow-citizens. By the last mail I received, under Mr. Van Buren's cover, your
letter, submitting to my acceptance the mission to Russia. 1. Resolved, That while we retain a grateful sense of the many services
rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the United States, we owe it to our
country and to our posterity to make our solemn protest against many of
the doctrines of his late proclamation. There was an unusually numerous collection of people at Charlotte
Court-house to-day, it being expected that the subject of the proclamation
would be taken into consideration, and hoped that Mr. Randolph might
be there. Though in a state of the most extreme feebleness, he made his
appearance last night, and to day at twelve o'clock was lifted to his seat
on the bench. He rose and spoke a few minutes, but soon sat down exhausted,
and continued to speak sitting, though sometimes for a moment
the excitement of his feelings brought him to his feet. He ended his
speech by moving a set of resolutions, of which a copy is subjoined. I confirm to my brother Beverly the slaves I gave him, and for which I
have a reconveyance. Codicil to this my will, made the 5th day of December, 1821. I revoke
the bequest to T. B. Dudley, and bequeath the same to my executor,
to whom also I give in fee simple all my lots and houses in Farmville,
and every other species of property whatever that I die possessed of,
saving the aforesaid specifications in my will. The codicil of 1826. The Codicil of 1828. In the will above recited, I give to my said ex'or, Wm. Leigh, the
refusal of the land above Owen's (now Clark's) ferry road, at a price that
I then thought very moderate, but which a change in the times has rendered
too high to answer my friendly intentions towards my said executor
in giving him that refusal. I do, therefore, so far, but so far only, modify
14
my said will as to reduce that price 50 per cent.; in other words, one-half,
at which he may take all the land above the ferry road that I inherited
from my father, all that I bought of the late John Daniel, deceased,
and of Tom Beaseley, Charles Beaseley, and others of that name
and family, this last being the land that Gabriel Beaseley used to have in
possession, and whereon Beverley Tucker lived, and which I hold by
deed from him and his wife, of record in Charlotte county court. As lawyers and courts of law are extremely addicted to making wills
for dead men, which they never made when living, it is my will and desire
that no person who shall set aside, or attempt to set aside, the will
above referred to, shall ever inherit, possess or enjoy any part of my estate,
real or personal. Codicil of 1831. The will of January 31st. 1832. I received my dear papa's affectionate epistle, and was sorry to find that
he thought himself neglected. I assure you, my dear sir, that there has
scarcely a fortnight elapsed since uncle's absence without my writing to
you, and I would have paid dearly for you to have received them. I sent
them by the post, and indeed no other opportunity except by Capt. Crozier,
and I did not neglect that. Be well assured, my dear sir, our expenses
since our arrival here have been enormous and by far greater than our
estate, especially loaded as it is with debt, can bear; however, I flatter myself,
my dear papa, that upon looking over the accounts you will find that
my share is, by comparison trifling, and hope that by the wise admonitions
of so affectionate a parent, and one who has our welfare and interest so
much at heart, we may be able to shun the rock of prodigality, upon which
so many people continually split, and by which the unhappy victim is
reduced, not only to poverty, but also to despair and all the horrors attending
it. I received last night your letter of the 17th instant,
covering a draft on the treasury for $104.27, for which accept my hearty
thanks. I wish I could thank you also for your news concerning the
conjectured "marriage between a reverend divine and one who has been
long considered among the immaculate votaries of Diana." I can easily
guess at the name of the former; but there are really so many ancient
maids in your town, of desperate expectations in the matrimonial lottery,
that it is no easy task to tell what person in particular comes under the
above denomination. I have been so unwell as to be incapable of carrying this to the post
office until to-day. Yesterday we had a most violent snow storm, which
lasted from 10 o'clock A. M. till two this morning, during which time it
snowed incessantly. Uncle T. is not come. No news of my trunk, at
which I am very uneasy. I wrote to Mr. Campbell by Capt. Dangerfield
to learn by what vessel it was sent, but have received no answer. There
is no such thing in this city as Blackstone in 4to. The house has come,
as yet, to no determination respecting Mr. Madison's resolutions. They
will not pass, thanks to our absent delegates; nay, were they to go
through the H. of R. the S. would reject them, as there is no senator from
Maryland and but one from Georgia. Thus are the interests of the Southern
States basely betrayed by the indolence of some and the villainy of
others of her statesmen,—Messrs. G—r, H—n and L—e generally voting
with the paper men. I was mistaken, my dear sir, when I said Uncle Tucker had not arrived
in town. He got here the day before yesterday, and did not know where
to find me. In my way to the post office this morning, I was told of his
arrival, and flew to see him. He looks as well as I ever saw him, and
was quite cheerful—made a number of affectionate enquiries concerning
you and your family, my brother and his wife and little boy. He cannot
go through Virginia in his way to Charleston. I pressed him very warmly
to do it, but you know his resolutions when once taken are unalterable.
I gave you in a former letter a full account of our friends in Bermuda.
My uncle says that they complain much of your neglecting to write to
them. He seemed much hurt at the circumstance. You cannot think
how rejoiced I was to see him look so well and cheerful. It has quite
revived my spirits. He stays in this city a week or ten days, when he
returns to New York, where he will remain five or six weeks before he
goes to Charleston. If you write him, which I suppose you will unquestionably
do, you had better direct to New York. I shall write next post,
till then, my dearest father, adieu. I must not forget to tell you that Dr.
Bartlett, the spermaceti doctor, as Mr. Tudor used to call him, has turned
privateersman, and commands a vessel out of Bermuda. Miss Betsy Gilchrist
is to be married to a Lieut. Hicks of the British army, and Mr.
Fibb, it is reported, is also to be married to another officer whose name I
do not recollect. I see that you begin again to cease writing to me;
and I hope that you will be so good as to send me a letter at least once a
week, as you are so shortly to set out on your circuit, when I cannot expect
to hear from you as often as when you are at home. The enclosed
letter I wrote some time ago. I have every day been expecting an opportunity
by which I could send it without subjecting you to the expense
of postage, which perhaps I too often do. As the subject is an important
one, I hope you will answer it as soon as you conveniently can. Your welcome letter of the 13th from Petersburg reached me yesterday.
I waited for its receipt, that I might acknowledge that of its predecessor
at the same time. I am sorry that I did so, for I wanted to know whether
I could advantageously place my horse, Roanoke, in your neighborhood?
I am sorry that you can't take filly; but I pledge, as the boys say,
a place for her in your training stables next autumn, and another if you
have it to spare. Could I get Bolling Graves, think you, to train for me?
I mean next autumn of course, for his spring engagements are no doubt
complete. There is some mistake about that rifle. It was never sent
home. The last time I saw it it was in J. M. & D.'s compting room.
Have I any other article there except the fir pole from Mont Blanc?
Uncle Nat.*
*Honorable Nathaniel Macon.
is greatly mended, and I am satisfied that if the "wicked
world cease from troubling," which they will not do in this world, I wish
they may in the next, he would be well. He made a remark to me the
other day, that forcibly reminded me of Gay's Shepherd and Philosopher—the
best of all his fables, except "the Hare and many friends." It
will not require your sagacity to make the application. "All animals,"
said he, "provide for their own offspring, and there the thing stops. The
birds rear their young by their joint cares and labours. The cow suckles
and takes care of her own calf, but she does not nurse or provide for that
calf's calf." "The birds do not build nests for their young one's eggs, nor
hatch them, nor feed the nestlings." Since the sailing of the last packet from Liverpool, I received
via St. Petersburg your letter of the 21st of August—the only one
that I have had the pleasure to get from you. This is no common-place address, for without profession
or pretension such you have quietly and modestly proved yourself to
be, while, like Darius, I have been This will be presented to you by my neighbor, Elisha E.
Hundley, whose affairs take him to what, in old times, we used to call
the Bear Grass Country. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 196 | Author: | Randolph
John
1773-1833 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | Letters of John Randolph, to a young relative | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I send you by the New Orleans mail, "letters written
by the great Mr. Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham, to
his nephew, when at college." You know my opinion of
Lord Chatham: that he was at once the greatest practical
statesman that ever lived, and the most transcendent orator.
With all this, he was a truly good man, (indeed, he must
have been, since virtue is essential to great excellence in
laudable pursuits,) and the most elegant and polished gentleman
of his time. We have examined the National School Manual, and
pleased with the plan. From our knowledge of the
various systems pursued in the country schools, many
which, upon the change of teachers, serve rather to
ard, than advance, the pupil, we do not hesitate to
commend the Manual, as having not only a tendency
uniformity and order, but also to save expense, the
complaint of which is without parallel. Having examined the general plan of the 1st, 2d, and
parts of the "National School Manual," and having
also taken a cursory view of some of the details, I
satisfied that it is a work of no common merit. I have examined with much care, and great satisfaction,
the "National School Manual," compiled by
M. R. Bartlett. The opinion I have formed of its merits,
is of little importance, after the numerous and highly
respectable testimonials to its value already in your
possession. I have examined with care and a high degree of interest
the work called the "National School Manual,"
by Mr. M. R. Bartlett, and am so well satisfied with its
merits, and that it will eventually be adopted in all our
common schools, to the exclusion of every other work
of the kind now in use, that I feel authorized to exert
my influence to have the work introduced forthwith
into my school. "The `Outlines of History,' I consider an excellent
class book of general history for the use of schools. The
questions added by Mr. Frost, are a most valuable auxiliary
for the teacher as well as the pupil. I shall use the
Outlines' in my school, and cordially recommend it to
parents and teachers. I have just received a copy of your edition
of the `Outlines of History.' From a cursory perusal, I
am disposed to give it a high rank as a school book. So
well satisfied am I with the arrangement and execution
of the work, that I intend to put it immediately into the
lands of a class in my own school. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 198 | Author: | Becker
Carl Lotus
1873-1945 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | The Declaration of independence | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | It is often forgotten that the document which
we know as the Declaration of Independence is
not the official act by which the Continental
Congress voted in favor of separation from Great
Britain. June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, on
behalf of the Virginia delegation, submitted to
the Continental Congress three resolutions, of
which the first declared that "these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States, that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and
the State of Great Britain is, and ought to
be, totally dissolved."1
1Journals of Congress (Ford ed.), V, 424.
This resolution, which
may conveniently be called the Resolution of
Independence, was finally voted by the Continental
Congress on the 2 of July, 1776.2
2Ibid., 507.
Strictly
speaking, this was the official declaration of independence;
and if we were a nation of antiquaries
we should no doubt find an incongruity
in celebrating the anniversary of our independence
on the 4 of July. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 199 | Author: | Adams
Henry
1838-1918 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | John Randolph | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | William, first American ancestor of the innumerable
Randolphs of Virginia, made his
appearance there at some time not precisely
known, but probably about the year 1660.
The books tell us neither whence he came,
who he was, why he emigrated, nor what were
his means; but "William Randolph, gentleman,
of Turkey Island," originally from Warwickshire,
or from Yorkshire, at all events
from England, unless it were from Scotland,
married Mary Isham, of Bermuda Hundred,
and by her had seven sons and two daughters,
whose descendants swarmed like bees in the
Virginian hive. Turkey Island, just above the
junction of the James with the Appomattox,
lies unnoticed by mankind except at long intervals
of a hundred years. In 1675, about
the time when William Randolph began his
prosperous career there, Nathaniel Bacon lived
on his plantation at Curles, adjoining Randolph's
estate. Bacon's famous rebellion broke
out in this year, and in 1706, according to the
records of Henrico County, Curles, after escheating
to the King, had come into the hands
of William Randolph's sons. The world's
attention, however, was not so actively drawn
to this group of tobacco plantations by Bacon's
rebellion as by Benedict Arnold's raid in
1781, and neither of these bloody and destructive
disturbances made the region nearly so
famous as it became on June 30, 1862, when
fifty thousand Northern troops, beaten, weary,
and disorganized, converged at Malvern Hill and
Turkey Island Bridge, and the next day fought
a battle which saved their army and perhaps
their cause, without a thought or a care for
the dust of forgotten Randolphs, on which they
were trampling in this cradle of the race. They
were not more indifferent than the family itself,
for long before this time the descendants of
William Randolph had grown up, multiplied,
accumulated great possessions in slaves and
land, then slowly waned in fortune, and at last
disappeared, until not an acre of land on the
James or the Appomattox was owned by a Randolph. Known to you only as holding, in common
with yourself, the honorable station of servant to the
same sovereign people, and disclaiming all pretentions
to make to you any application which in the
general estimation of men requires the preface of
apology, I shall, without the circumlocution of compliment,
proceed to state the cause which induces
this address." "I have not seen, although I have heard, of the
attack which you mention, upon Gallatin, in the
`Aurora.' That paper is so long in reaching me,
and, moreover, is so stuffed with city, or rather suburb,
politics, that I seldom look at it. Indeed, I
have taken a disgust at newspapers ever since the
deception and disappointment which I felt in the case
of Langdon's election. If the `Boston Chronicle,'
published almost upon the spot, should so grossly misrepresent
a plain matter of fact, so easily ascertained,
what reliance can be placed upon a newspaper statement?
My incredulity refused to credit Hamilton's
death, which I thought it very likely would be contradicted
by the next mail; and, until I saw Morris's
wretched attempt at oratory, regarded it merely as a
matter of speculation. You ask my opinion on that
subject; it differs but little, I believe, from your
own. I feel for Hamilton's immediate connections
real concern; for himself, nothing; for his party and
those soi-disant republicans who have been shedding
crocodile tears over him, contempt. The first are
justly punished for descending to use Burr as a tool
to divide their opponents; the last are hypocrites, who
deify Hamilton merely that they may offer up their
enemy on his altars. If Burr had not fallen, like Lucifer,
never to rise again, the unprincipled persecution
of Cheetham might do him service. (By the way, I
wonder if Dennie adverted to Cheetham's patronage
of General Hamilton's memory, when he said that,
`except the imported scoundrel,' etc., etc., all bewailed
his loss.) As it is, those publications are calculated to
engage for him the pity even of those who must deny
their esteem. The people, who ultimately never fail
to make a proper decision, abhor persecution, and
while they justly refuse their confidence to Mr. Burr,
they will detest his oppressors. They cannot, they
will not, grope in the vile mire of seaport politics, not
less vitiated than their atmosphere. Burr's is indeed
an irreparable defeat. He is cut off from all hope
of a retreat among the federalists, not so much because
he has overthrown their idol as because he
cannot answer their purpose. If his influence were
sufficient to divide us, Otis and Morris would to-morrow,
ere those shoes were old in which they followed
Hamilton to the grave, go to the hustings and vote
for Burr; and if his character had no other stain
upon it than the blood of Hamilton, he should have
mine, for any secondary office. I admire his letters,
particularly that signed by Van Ness, and think his
whole conduct in that affair does him honor. How
much it is to be regretted that so nice a perception
of right and wrong, so delicate a sense of propriety,
as he there exhibits should have had such little
influence on his general conduct! In his correspondence
with Hamilton, how visible is his ascendency
over him, and how sensible does the latter appear
of it! There is an apparent consciousness of some
inferiority to his enemy displayed by Hamilton
throughout that transaction, and from a previous
sight of their letters I could have inferred the issue
of the contest. On one side there is labored obscurity,
much equivocation, and many attempts at evasion,
not unmixed with a little blustering; on the
other, an unshaken adherence to his object and an
undeviating pursuit of it, not to be eluded or baffled.
It reminded me of a sinking fox pressed by a vigorous
old hound, where no shift is permitted to avail
him. But perhaps you think me inclined to do Burr
more than justice. I assure you, however, that
when I first saw the correspondence, and before my
feelings were at all excited for the man, as they have
been in some degree by the savage yell which has
been raised against him, I applauded the spirit and
admired the style of his compositions. They are the
first proof which I ever saw of his ability." "On my return from Fredericksburg, after a racing
campaign, I was very agreeably accosted by your
truly welcome letter, to thank you for which, and not
because I have anything, stable news excepted, to
communicate, I now take up the pen. It is some
satisfaction to me, who have been pestered with inquiries
that I could not answer on the subject of
public affairs, to find that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
and First Lord of the Treasury is in as comfortable
a state of ignorance as myself. Pope says of
governments, that is best which is best administered.
What idea, then, could he have of a government
which was not administered at all? The longer I
live, the more do I incline to somebody's opinion
that there is in the affairs of this world a mechanism
of which the very agents themselves are ignorant,
and which, of course, they can neither calculate nor
control. As much free will as you please in everything
else, but in politics I must ever be a necessitarian.
And this comfortable doctrine saves me a deal
of trouble and many a twinge of conscience for my
heedless ignorance. I therefore leave Major Jackson
and his Ex. of Casa Yrujo to give each other the lie
in Anglo-American or Castilian fashions, just as it
suits them, and when people resort to me for intelligence,
instead of playing the owl and putting on a face
of solemn nonsense, I very fairly tell them, with perfect
nonchalance, that I know nothing of the matter,
— from which, if they have any discernment, they
may infer that I care as little about it, — and then
change the subject as quickly as I can to horses, dogs,
the plough, or some other upon which I feel myself
competent to converse. In short, I like originality
too well to be a second-hand politician when I can
help it. It is enough to live upon the broken victuals
and be tricked out in the cast-off finery of you
first-rate statesmen all the winter. When I cross the
Potomac I leave behind me all the scraps, shreds, and
patches of politics which I collect during the session,
and put on the plain homespun, or, as we say, the
`Virginia cloth,' of a planter, which is clean, whole,
and comfortable, even if it be homely. Nevertheless,
I have patriotism enough left to congratulate
you on the fullness of the public purse, and cannot
help wishing that its situation could be concealed
from our Sangrados in politics, with whom depletion
is the order of the day. On the subject of a navy, you
know my opinion concurs with yours. I really feel
ashamed for my country, that whilst she is hectoring
before the petty corsairs of the coast of Barbary,
she should truckle to the great pirate of the German
Ocean; and I would freely vote a naval force
that should blow the Cambrian and Leander out of
water. Indeed, I wish Barron's squadron had been
employed on that service. I am perfectly aware
of the importance of peace to us, particularly with
Great Britain, but I know it to be equally necessary
to her; and in short, if we have any honor as a nation
to lose, which is problematical, I am unwilling
to surrender it. "Bizarre, 29 March, 1805. . . . My sins against
Monroe, in whose debt I have been for near five
months, would have excited something of compunction
in me were I any longer susceptible of such sensations;
but I will write to him immediately on your
subject; and, take my word for it, my good friend,
he is precisely that man to whom your spirit would
not disdain to be obliged. For, if I know you, there
are very few beings in this vile world of ours from
whom you would not scorn even the semblance of obligation.
In a few weeks I shall sail for London myself.
. . . I gather from the public prints that we are
severely handled by the feds and their new allies.
Not the least equivocal proof, my friend, that the
trust reposed in us has not been betrayed. I hope to
be back in time to trail a pike with you in the next
campaign. . . . I wish very much to have if it were
but half an hour's conversation with you. Should
you see Gallatin, commend me to him and that admirable
woman his wife. What do you augur from
the vehement puff of B[urr]? As you well know,
I never was among his persecutors, but this is overstepping
the modesty of nature. Besides, we were
in Washington at the time, and heard nothing of the
miraculous effects of his valedictory. Rely upon it,
strange things are at hand. Never did the times require
more union and decision among the real friends
of freedom. But shall we ever see decision or union?
I fear not. To those men who are not disposed
to make a job of politics, never did public
affairs present a more awful aspect. Everything and
everybody seems to be jumbled out of place, except
a few men who are steeped in supine indifference,
whilst meddling fools and designing knaves are
governing the country under the sanction of their
names." "28 June, 1805. . . . I do not understand your
manœuvres at headquarters, nor should I be surprised
to see the Navy Department abolished, or, in
more appropriate phrase, swept by the board, at the
11
next session of Congress. The nation has had the
most conclusive proof that a head is no necessary appendage
to the establishment." "I am still too unwell to turn out. My bowels are
torn all to pieces. If you persist in voting the money,
the committee will alter its report. Write me on this
subject, and tell me what you are doing. How is
Edward to-day? I 've heard from St. George. He
got to Norfolk in time for the Intrepid, on the 24th,
Tuesday. She was loaded, and only waiting for a fair
wind. If the southeaster of Friday did not drive her
back into the Chesapeake, she has by this time crossed
the Gulf Stream. The poor fellow was very seasick
going down the bay. "Bizarre, 3 June, 1806. . . . The public prints
teem with misrepresentations, which it would be vain
to oppose, even if an independent press could be found
to attempt it. The torrent is for the present resistless.
I long for the meeting of Congress, an event
which hitherto I have always deprecated, that I may
face the monster of detraction. . . . Nothing will be
left undone to excite an opposition to me at the next
election, but I have no expectation that it will be effected,
or of its success in case it should. There are
too many gaping idolaters of power among us, but,
like you, we have men of sterling worth; and one
thing is certain, — that, however we may differ on the
subject of the present administration, all parties here
(I speak of the republicans) unite in support of Monroe
for President. I have heard of but one dissenting
voice, Giles, who is entirely misled; all his information
is from E[ppes], his representative. They
talk of an expression of the opinion of our legislature
to this effect at their next meeting. An inefficient
opposition is making to Garnett. Thompson, I
believe, will have an opponent likewise, but this is
not yet determined on. From what I have written
above you are not to infer that I mean to yield a
bloodless victory to my enemies. You know me well
enough, I hope, to believe that a want of perseverance
is not among my defects. I will persevere to
the last in the cause in which I am embarked." "Washington, March 20, 1806. . . . There is
no longer a doubt but that the principles of our administration
have been materially changed. The
compass of a letter (indeed, a volume would be too
small) cannot suffice to give you even an outline. Suffice
it to say that everything is made a business of bargain
and traffic, the ultimate object of which is to raise
Mr. Madison to the presidency. To this the old
republican party will never consent, nor can New
York be brought into the measure. Between them
and the supporters of Mr. Madison there is an open
rupture. Need I tell you that they (the old republicans)
are united in your support? that they look to
you, sir, for the example which this nation has yet to
receive to demonstrate that the government can be
conducted on open, upright principles, without intrigue
or any species of disingenuous artifice? We are extremely
rejoiced to hear that you are about to return
to the United States. Much as I am personally interested,
through St. George, in your stay in Europe, I
would not have you remain one day longer. Your
country requires, nay demands, your presence. It is
time that a character which has proved invulnerable
to every open attack should triumph over insidious
enmity." "Georgetown, 10 December, 1806. . . . The
message of the 3d was, as you supposed, wormwood
to certain gentry. They made wry faces, but, in fear
of the rod and in hopes of sugar-plums, swallowed it
with less apparent repugnance than I had predicted.
. . . Of all the men who have met me with the
greatest apparent cordiality, old Smilie is the last
whom you would suspect. I understand that they
(you know who they are) are well disposed towards
a truce. The higher powers are in the same goodly
temper, as I am informed. I have seen nobody belonging
to the administration but the Secretary of the
Navy, who called here the day before yesterday, and
whose visit I repaid this morning. You may remember,
some years ago, my having remarked to you the
little attention which we received from the grandees,
and the little disposition which I felt to court it. I
have therefore invariably waited for the first advance
from them, because at home I conceive myself bound
to make it to any gentleman who may be in my neighborhood." "Committee Room, 17 February, 1807. . . .
Bad as you suppose matters to be, they are even
worse than you apprehend. What think you of that
Prince of Prigs and Puppies, G. W. C[ampbell] for
a judge of the Supreme Court of the United States!!!
Risum teneas? You must know we have made a new
circuit, consisting of the three western States, with an
additional associate justice. A caucus (excuse the
slang of politics) was held, as I am informed, by the
delegations of those States for the purpose of recommending
some character to the President. Boyle was
talked of, but the interest of C. finally prevailed.
This is `Tom, Dick, and Harry' with a vengeance.
. . . If Mr. `American,' whom, by the way, I never
see, should persevere in the attack which you tell me
he is making upon me, I shall issue letters of marque
and reprisal against his principals. The doughty
general [Samuel Smith] is vulnerable at all points,
and his plausible brother [Robert Smith] not much
better defended. The first has condemned in terms
of unqualified reprobation the general measures pursued
by the administration, and lamented that, such
was the public infatuation, no man could take a position
against it without destroying himself and injuring
the cause which he attempted to serve, — with
much more to the same tune. I called some time
since at the navy office to ask an explanation of certain
items of the estimate for this year. The Secretary
called up his chief clerk, who knew very little
more of the business than his master. I propounded
a question to the head of the department; he turned
to the clerk like a boy who cannot say his lesson, and
with imploring countenance beseeches aid; the clerk
with much assurance gabbled out some commonplace
jargon, which I would not take for sterling; an explanation
was required, and both were dumb. This
pantomime was repeated at every new item, until, disgusted,
and ashamed for the degraded situation of the
principal, I took leave without pursuing the subject,
seeing that my subject could not be attained. There
was not one single question relating to the department
that the Secretary could answer." "Bizarre, March 24, 1807. . . . Mr. T. M.
Randolph suddenly declines a reëlection, in favor of
Wilson Nicholas, whose talents for intrigue you well
know, I presume. Had I known of Mr. Purviance's
arrival, I should certainly have remained in Washington
for the purpose of seeing him, and procuring
better information concerning the treaty than the
contradictory accounts of the newspapers furnish. I
have considered the decree of Berlin to be the great
cause of difficulty; at the same time, I never had a
doubt that clamor would be raised against the treaty,
be it what it might. My reasons for this opinion I
will give when we meet. They are particular as well
as general. Prepare yourself to be surprised at some
things which you will near." "Richmond, May 30, 1807. . . . The friends of
Mr. Madison have left nothing undone to impair the
very high and just confidence of the nation in yourself.
Nothing but the possession of the government
could have enabled them to succeed, however partially,
in this attempt. In Virginia they have met
with the most determined resistance, and although
I believe the executive influence will at last carry
the point, for which it has been unremittingly exerted,
of procuring the nomination of electors favorable
to the Secretary of State, yet it is not even
in its power to shake the confidence of the people
of this State in your principles and abilities, or to
efface your public services from their recollection.
I should be wanting in my duty to you, my dear
sir, were I not to apprise you that exertions to diminish
the value of your character and public services
have been made by persons, and in a manner
that will be scarcely credible to you, although at the
same time unquestionably true. Our friend Colonel
Mercer, should you land in a northern port, can give
you some correct and valuable information on this
and other subjects. Meanwhile, the republicans of
New York, sore with the coalition effected by Mr.
John Nicholas between his party and the federalists
(now entirely discomfited), and knowing the auspices
under which he acted, are irreconcilably opposed
to Mr. Madison, and striving to bring forward Mr.
Clinton, the Vice-President. Much consequently
depends on the part which Pennsylvania will take in
this transaction. There is a leaning, evidently, towards
the New York candidate. Whether the executive
influence will be able to overcome this predisposition
yet remains to be seen. In the person of any
other man than Mr. M. I have no doubt it would
succeed. But the republicans of Pennsylvania, setting
all other considerations aside, are indignant at
the recollection that in all their struggles with the
combined parties of McKean, etc., and the federalists,
the hand of government has been felt against
them, and so far as it has been exerted they choose to
ascribe [it] to the exertions of Mr. M. Such is, as
nearly as I can collect, the posture of affairs at present.
Wilson C. N[icholas] and Duane are both in town at
this time. Some important result is no doubt to flow
from this conjunction. When you return, you will
hardly know the country. A system of espionage
and denunciation has been organized which pervades
every quarter. Distrust and suspicion generally prevail
in the intercourse between man and man. All is
constraint, reserve, and mystery. Intrigue has arrived
at a pitch which I hardly supposed it would have
reached in five centuries. The man of all others who,
I suppose, would be the last suspected by you is the
nucleus of this system. The maxim of Rochefoucauld
is in him completely verified, `that an affectation
of simplicity is the refinement of imposture.'
Hypocrisy and treachery have reached their acme
amongst us. I hope that I shall see you very soon
after your arrival. I can then give you a full explanation
of these general expressions, and proof
that they have been made upon the surest grounds.
Amongst your unshaken friends you may reckon two
of our chancellors, Mr. Nicholson of Maryland, Mr.
Clay of Philadelphia, Col. Jno. Taylor, and Mr.
Macon." "Baltimore, April 12, 1807. . . . As to the
public sentiment, I cannot readily state what it is.
Perhaps there is none. The President's popularity
is unbounded, and his will is that of the nation. His
approbation seems to be the criterion by which the
correctness of all public events is tested. Any treaty,
therefore, which he sanctions will be approved of by
a very large proportion of our people. The federalists
will murmur, but as this is the result of system,
and not of principle, its impression will be neither
deep nor extensive. A literal copy of Jay's treaty,
if ratified by the present administration, would meet
their opposition, while the same instrument, although
heretofore so odious to some of us, would now command
the support of a large body who call themselves
democrats. Such is our present infatuation. To
this general position, however, there are some honest
exceptions. There is a portion who yet retain the
feelings of 1798, and whom I denominate the old
republican party. These men are personally attached
to the President, and condemn his measures when
they think him wrong. They neither wish for nor
expect anything from his extensive patronage. Their
public service is intended for the public good, and has
no view to private emolument or personal ambition.
But it is said they have not his confidence, and I lament
it. You must have perceived from the public
prints that the most active members in the House of
Representatives are new men, and I fear that foreign
nations will not estimate American talent very highly
if our congressional proceedings are taken as the rule.
If you knew the Sloans, the Alstons, and the Bidwells
of the day, and there are a great many of them,
you would be mortified at seeing the affairs of the
nation in such miserable hands. Yet these are styled
exclusively the President's friends. . . . These facts
will enable you to form an early opinion as to the
necessity of remaining in England. You know Mr.
Jefferson perfectly well, and can therefore calculate
the chances of his approving anything done not in
precise conformity to his instructions. He is, however,
somewhat different from what he was. He feels
at present his own strength with the nation, and
therefore is less inclined to yield to the advice of his
friends. Your return is anxiously wished for by
many who, I presume you know, are desirous of putting
you in nomination for the presidency. My own
expectations are not very sanguine on this subject.
Great efforts are making for and by another. The
Virginia and New York elections which take place in
the course of the present month will determine much.
The point is made throughout Virginia, I believe,
and much solicitude is felt and expressed by the candidate
for the presidency as to the result of the several
elections. It is to be hoped, therefore, that you
will return as early as possible." "Bizarre, 25 March, 1807. . . . I fully intended
to have written to you the day before my departure
from Washington, but was prevented by an accident
which had nearly demolished me. Being very unwell
on Monday night, the 2d, and no carriage to be procured,
I accepted the offer of one of his horses from
Dr. Bibb (successor to Spalding), and we set out together
for Georgetown. Not very far beyond our
old establishment (Sally Dashiell's), the only girth
there was to the saddle gave way, and as it fitted the
horse very badly it came with his rider at once to
the ground. Figure to yourself a man almost bruised
to death, on a dark, cold night, in the heart of the
capital of the United States, out of sight or hearing
of a human habitation, and you will have a tolerably
exact idea of my situation, premising that I was previously
knocked up by our legislative orgies, and some
scrapes that our friend Lloyd led me into. With
Bibb's assistance, however, I mounted the other horse,
and we crept along to Crawford's, where I was seized
with a high fever, the effects of which have not yet
left me. To end this Canterbury tale, I did not get
out of bed until Wednesday afternoon, when I left it
to begin a painful journey homewards. Anything,
however, was preferable to remaining within the ten-miles-square
one day longer than I was obliged. . . .
Colonel Burr (quantum mutatus ab illo!) passed by
my door the day before yesterday, under a strong
guard. So I am told, for I did not see him, and
nobody hereabouts is acquainted with his person.
The soldiers escorting him, it seems, indulged his
aversion to be publicly known, and to guard against
inquiry as much as possible he was accoutred in a
shabby suit of homespun, with an old white hat
flapped over his face, the dress in which he was apprehended.
From the description, and indeed the
confession of the commanding officer to one of my
neighbors, I have no doubt it was Burr himself.
His very manner of travelling, although under arrest,
was characteristic of the man, enveloped in mystery." "Richmond, 25 June, 1807. . . . Yesterday the
grand jury found bills of treason and misdemeanor
against Burr and Blennerhassett, una voce, and this
day presented Jonathan Dayton, ex-senator, John
Smith of Ohio, Comfort Tyler, Israel Smith of New
York, and Davis Floyd of Indiana, for treason. But
the mammoth of iniquity escaped; not that any man
pretended to think him innocent, but upon certain
wire-drawn distinctions that I will not pester you
with. Wilkinson is the only man that I ever saw
who was from the bark to the very core a villain. . . .
Perhaps you never saw human nature in so degraded
a situation as in the person of Wilkinson before the
grand jury, and yet this man stands on the very summit
and pinnacle of executive favor, whilst James Monroe
is denounced. As for such men as the quids you speak
of, I should hardly think his Majesty would stoop to
such humble quarry, when James Monroe was in
view. Tazewell, who is writing on the other side of
the table, and whom you surely remember, says that
he makes the fifth. The other four you have not
mistaken. My friend, I am standing on the soil of
my native country, divested of every right for which
our fathers bled. Politics have usurped the place of
law, and the scenes of 1798 are again revived. Men
now see and hear, and feel and think, politically.
Maxims are now advanced and advocated, which
would almost have staggered the effrontery of Bayard
or the cooler impudence of Chauncy Goodrich, when
we were first acquainted. But enough of this! It
will not be long, I presume, before I shall see you
again. The news of the capture of the Chesapeake
arrived this morning, and I suppose the President
will convene Congress, of course. I have been looking
for something of this sort ever since the change
of ministry and rejection of the treaty was announced.
I have tried to avert from my country a war which I
foresaw must succeed the follies of 1805-6, but I
shall not be the less disposed to withdraw her from
it or carry her through with honor." "I have indulged myself in reading once more the
speech to which you allude. It is the inspiration of
divine wisdom, and as such I have ever adored it.
But, my good friend, I cannot with you carry my
zeal so far as to turn missionary and teach the gospel
of politics to the heathens of Washington. More
easily might a camel pass through a needle's eye
than one particle of the spirit of Chatham be driven
into that `trembling council,' to whom the destinies
of this degraded country are unhappily confided. . . .
But great God! what can you expect from men
who take Wilkinson to their bosoms, and at the same
time are undermining the characters of Monroe and
Macon, and plotting their downfall! There is but
15
one sentiment here, as far as I can learn, on the subject
of the late outrage: that, as soon as the fact was
ascertained, Congress should have been convened, a
strict embargo laid, Erskine [the British Minister]
sent home, our Ministers recalled, and then we might
begin to deliberate on the means of enforcing our
rights and extorting reparation. The Proclamation
(or, as I term it, the apology) is received rather
coldly among us. Many persons express themselves
much mortified at it. Every one I see asks what government
means to do, and I might answer, `What
they have always done; nothing!' . . . I should not
be surprised, however, if the Drone or Humble Bee,
(the Wasp has sailed already) should be dispatched
with two millions (this is our standing first bid) to
purchase Nova Scotia, and then we might go to war
in peace and quiet to ascertain its boundaries." "December 24, 1807. . . . Come here, I beseech
you. I will then show you how impossible it was
for me to have voted for the embargo. The circumstances
under which it presented itself were peculiar
and compelled me to oppose it, although otherwise a
favorite measure with me, as you well know. It was,
in fact, to crouch to the insolent mandate of Bonaparte
`that there should be no neutrals;' to subscribe
to that act of perfidy and violence, his decree, at the
moment when every consideration prompted us to resist
and resent it. Non-importation and non-exportation,
— what more can he require? Ought we to
have suffered ourselves to be driven by him out of
the course which, whether right or wrong, our government
had thought proper to pursue towards England?
to be dragooned into measures that in all
human calculation must lead to immediate war? Put
no trust in the newspaper statements. They will
mislead you. But come and view the ground, and I
will abide the issue of your judgment." "December 24, 1807. My dear Sir, — In abstaining
so long from a personal interview with you, I
leave you to judge what violence I have committed
upon my private feelings. Before your arrival, however,
I had determined on the course which I ought
to pursue, and had resolved that no personal gratification
should induce me to hazard your future advancement,
and with it the good of my country, by
any attempt to blend the fate of a proscribed individual
with the destiny which, I trust, awaits you. It is,
nevertheless, of the first consequence to us both that
I should have a speedy opportunity of communing
fully with you. This, perhaps, can be best effected
at my own lodgings, where we shall not be exposed
to observation or interruption. I shall, however,
acquiesce with pleasure in any other arrangement
which may appear more eligible to you. "Georgetown, March 9, 1808. . . . A consciousness
of the misconstruction (to your prejudice)
which would be put upon any correspondence between
us has hitherto deterred me from writing. You will
have no difficulty in conceiving my motives in putting
this violence upon my feelings, especially after the
explanation which I gave of them whilst you were
here. The prospect before us is daily brightening.
I mean of the future, which until of late has been
extremely gloomy. As to the present state of things,
it is far beyond my powers to give an adequate description
of it. Mr. W. C. N. begins of late to
make open advances to the federalists, fearing, no
doubt, that the bait of hypocrisy has been seen through
by others. I must again refer you to Mr. Leigh for
full information of what is going on here. The indiscretion
of some of the weaker brethren, whose
intentions, I have no doubt, were good, as you will
have perceived, has given the enemy great advantage
over us." "February 20, 1808. . . . Our friend gains ground
very fast at home. Sullivan, the Governor of Massachusetts,
has declared against M[adiso]n. The republicans
of that great State are divided on the question,
and if Clay be not deceived, who says that
Pennsylvania, Duane non obstante, will be decidedly
for the V[ice] P[resident], the S[ecretary] of S[tate]
has no chance of being elected. Impress this, I pray
you, on our friends. If the V. P.'s interest should
be best, our electors (in case we succeed) will not
hazard everything by a division. If the election
comes to the House of Representatives M[adiso]n is
the man." "I am really afraid that our friend R. will injure
himself with the nation in this way. An attempt is
now making, and will, I think, be continued, to impress
on the minds of the people that he speaks with a
view to waste time. If this opinion should prevail, it
will, I fear, injure not only him, but the nation also,
because what injures him in public estimation will injure
the people also. His talents and honesty cannot
be lost without a loss equal to them both, and they
cannot be ascertained. But you know him as well as
I do." "Georgetown, February 14, 1811. . . . For
some days past I have been attending the debates in
the Senate. Giles made this morning the most unintelligible
speech on the subject of the Bank of the
U. S. that I ever heard. He spoke upwards of two
hours, seemed never to understand himself (except
upon one commonplace topic, of British influence),
and consequently excited in his hearers no other sentiment
but pity or disgust. But I shall not be surprised
to see him puffed in all the newspapers of a
certain faction. The Senate have rejected the nomination
of Alex. Wolcott to the bench of the Supreme
Court, — 24 to 9. The President is said to have felt
great mortification at this result. The truth seems
to be that he is President de jure only. Who exercises
the office de facto I know not, but it seems
agreed on all hands that there is something behind
the throne greater than the throne itself. I cannot
help differing with you respecting [Gallatin]'s resignation.
If his principal will not support him by his
influence against the cabal in the ministry itself as
well as out of it, a sense of self-respect, it would seem
to me, ought to impel him to retire from a situation
where, with a tremendous responsibility, he is utterly
destitute of power. Our cabinet presents a novel
spectacle in the political world; divided against itself,
and the most deadly animosity raging between its
principal members, what can come of it but confusion,
mischief, and ruin! Macon is quite out of heart. I
am almost indifferent to any possible result. Is this
wisdom or apathy? I fear the latter." The habits of intimacy which have
existed between us make it, as I conceive, my duty to
inform you that reports are industriously circulated in
this city to your disadvantage. They are to this effect:
That in order to promote your election to the Chief
Magistracy of the Commonwealth you have descended
to unbecoming compliances with the members of the
Assembly, not excepting your bitterest personal enemies;
that you have volunteered explanations to them
of the differences heretofore subsisting between yourself
and administration which amount to a dereliction
of the ground which you took after your return
from England, and even of your warmest personal
friends. Upon this, although it is unnecessary for
me to pass a comment, yet it would be disingenuous
to conceal that it has created unpleasant sensations
not in me only, but in others whom I know you
justly ranked as among those most strongly attached
to you. I wished for an opportunity of mentioning
this subject to you, but none offered itself, and I
would not seek one, because, when I cannot afford
assistance to my friends, I will never consent to become
an incumbrance on them. I write in haste, and
therefore abruptly. I keep no copy, and have only
to enjoin on you that this communication is in the
strictest sense of the term confidential, solely for your
own eye. I have purposely delayed answering
your letters because you seem to have taken up the
idea that I labored under some excitement (of an
angry nature it is to be presumed from the expressions
employed in your communication to Colonel
Taylor, as well as in that to myself), and I was desirous
that my reply should in appearance as well as in
fact proceed from the calmest and most deliberate exercise
of my judgment. By you
I would be understood; whether the herd of mankind
comprehend me or not, I care not. Yourself,
the Speaker, and Bryan are, of all the world, alone
acquainted with my real situation. On that subject I
have only to ask that you will preserve the same reserve
that I have done. Do not misunderstand me,
my good friend. I do not doubt your honor or discretion.
Far from it. But on this subject I am, perhaps,
foolishly fastidious. God bless you, my noble
fellow. I shall ever hold you most dear to my heart." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 200 | Author: | Bruce
William Cabell
1860-1946 | Requires cookie* | | | Title: | John Randolph of Roanoke, 1773-1833 | | | | Published: | 2007 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | When Randolph reached Richmond on his return from
Russia to Roanoke, he was so ill that he had to take to his
bed; and to bed or room he was confined until a day or so
before the first Monday in November, when he found
himself strong enough to proceed to Charlotte Court
House and to address the people there on that day. On
the second Monday of November, he addressed the people
of Buckingham County, and on the third Monday of
November the people of Prince Edward County; and he
was prevented by rain only from addressing the people of
Cumberland County on the fourth Monday of November.1
1Nov. 27, 1831, Jackson Papers, v. 79, Libr. Cong.
"1. Resolved, that, while we retain a grateful sense of the
many services rendered by Andrew Jackson, Esq., to the
United States, we owe it to our country and to our posterity
to make our solemn protest against many of the doctrines of
his late proclamation. Just as I mounted my horse on
Monday morning at Washington, your truly welcome and
friendly letter was put into my hands. I arrived here this
evening a little before sunset, after a ride on horseback of
thirty-five miles. Pretty well, you'll say, for a man whose
lungs are bleeding, and with a `church-yard cough,' which
gives so much pleasure to some of your New York editors of
newspapers. . . . I am never so easy as when in the saddle.
Nevertheless, if `a gentleman' (we are all gentlemen now-a-days)
who received upwards of £300 sterling for me merely to hand
it over, had not embezzled it by applying it to his own purposes,
I should be a passenger with you on the eighth. I tried
to raise the money by the sale of some property, that only
twelve months ago I was teased to part from (lots and houses
in Farmville, seventy miles above Petersburgh, on Appomattox
river), but could not last week get a bid for it. Such is the
poverty, abject poverty and distress of this whole country. I
have known land (part of it good and wood land) sell for one
dollar an acre, that, ten years ago, would have commanded
ten dollars, and last year five or six. Four fine negroes sold
for three hundred and fifty dollars, and so in proportion. But
I must quit the wretched subject. My pay, as a member of
Congress, is worth more than my best and most productive
plantation, for which, a few years ago, I could have got eighty
thousand dollars, exclusive of slaves and stock. I gave, a few
years since, twenty-seven thousand dollars for an estate. It
had not a house or a fence upon it. After putting it in fine
order, I found that, so far from my making one per cent, or
one-half or one-fourth of one per cent, it does not clear expenses
by about seven hundred and fifty dollars per annum, over and
above all the crops. Yet, I am to be taxed for the benefit of
wool-spinners, &c., to destroy the whole navigating interest
of the United States; and we find representatives from New-Bedford,
and Cape Ann, and Marblehead, and Salem, and
Newburyport, voting for this, if they can throw the molasses
overboard to lighten the ship Tariff. She is a pirate under a
black flag."1
1The New Mirror, v. 2, 71, Nov. 4, 1843.
"I do not remember in any `letters from the South' a description
of a Virginia court-day, and, as I know of nothing which
exhibits in more lively colours the distinctive traits of the
State character, I will employ a little time in sketching a scene
of this kind, which presented itself on Monday, the 2d of
April. The court of Charlotte Co. is regularly held upon
the first Monday of every month, and there is usually a large
concourse of people. This was an occasion of peculiar interest,
as elections for Congress and the State Legislature were
then to take place. As the day was fine, I preferred walking,
to the risk of having my horse alarmed, and driven away by the
hurly-burly of such an assemblage. In making my way along
the great road, which leads from my lodgings to the place of
public resort, I found it all alive with the cavalcades of planters
and country-folk going to the raree show. A stranger would
be forcibly struck with the perfect familiarity with which
all ranks were mingling in conversation, as they moved along
upon their fine pacing horses. Indeed, this sort of equality
exists to a greater degree here than in any country with
which I am acquainted. Here were young men, whose main
object seemed to be the exhibition of their spirited horses,
of the true race breed, and their equestrian skill. The great
majority of persons were dressed in domestic, undyed cloth,
partly from economy, and partly from a State pride, which
leads many of our most wealthy men, in opposing the tariff, to
reject all manufactures which are protected by the Government.
A man would form a very incorrect estimate of the worldly
circumstances of a Virginia planter who should measure his
finances by the fineness of his coat. When I came near to the
village, I observed hundreds of horses tied to the trees of a
neighbouring grove, and further on could descry an immense
and noisy multitude covering the space around the courthouse.
In one quarter, near the taverns, were collected the
mob, whose chief errand is to drink and quarrel. In another,
was exhibited a fair of all kinds of vendibles, stalls of mechanics
and tradesmen, eatables and drinkables, with a long line of
Yankee wagons, which are never wanting on these occasions.
The loud cries of salesmen, vending wares at public auction,
were mingled with the vociferation of a stump orator, who, in
the midst of a countless crowd, was advancing his claims as a
candidate for the House of Delegates. I threaded my way
into this living mass, for the purpose of hearing the oration. A
grey-headed man was discoursing upon the necessity of amending
the State Constitution, and defending the propriety of
calling a convention. His elocution was good, and his arguments
very plausible, especially when he dwelt upon the very
unequal representation in Virginia. This, however, happens
to be the unpopular side of the question in our region and the
populace, while they respected the age and talents of the man
showed but faint signs of acquiescence. The candidate, upon
retiring from the platform on which he had stood, was followed
by a rival, who is well known as his standing opponent.
The latter kept the people in a roar of laughter by a kind of
dry humour which is peculiar to himself. Although far inferior
to the other in abilities and learning, he excels him in all those
qualities which go to form the character of a demagogue. He
appealed to the interests of the planters and slave owners, he
turned into ridicule all the arguments of the former speaker,
and seemed to make his way to the hearts of the people. He
was succeeded by the candidate for the Senate, Henry A.
Watkins, of Prince Edward, a man of great address and
suavity of manner; his speech was short but pungent and
efficient, and, although he lost his election, he left a most
favourable impression upon the public mind. We had still
another address from one of the late delegates who proposed
himself again as a candidate. Before commencing his oration,
he announced to the people that, by a letter from Mr. Randolph,
he was informed that we should not have the pleasure of seeing
that gentleman, as he was confined to his bed by severe illness.
This was a sore disappointment. It was generally expected
that Mr. R. would have been present, and I had cherished the
hope of hearing him once in my life. It would give you no
satisfaction for me to recount to you the several topics of party
politics upon which the several speakers dilated. We
proceeded (or rather as many as could, proceeded) to the courthouse,
where the polls were opened. The candidates, six in
number, were ranged upon the Justices' bench, the clerks were
seated below, and the election began, viva voce. The throng and
confusion were great, and the result was that Mr. Randolph
was unanimously elected for Congress, Col. Wyatt for the
Senate, and the two former members to the Legislature of the
State. After the election, sundry petty squabbles took place
among the persons who had been opposing one another in the
contest. Towards night, a scene of unspeakable riot took place;
drinking and fighting drove away all thought of politics and many
a man was put to bed disabled by wounds and drunkenness.
This part of Virginia has long been celebrated for its breed of
horses. There is scrupulous attention paid to the preservation
of the immaculate English blood. Among the crowd on
this day, were snorting and rearing fourteen or fifteen stallions,
some of which were indeed fine specimens of that noble creature.
Among the rest, Mr. Randolph's celebrated English horse,
Roanoke, who is nine years old, and has never been `backed.'
That which principally contributes to this great collection of
people on our court days is the fact that all public business and
all private contracts are settled at this time. All notes are made
payable on these days, &c., &c. But you must be tired with
Charlotte Court; I am sure that I am."1
1Mar. 13, 1827, 40 Yrs.' Familiar Letters, v. 1, 98.
When, at my departure from Morrisania, in your sister's
presence, I bade you remember the past, I was not apprised of
the whole extent of your guilty machinations. I had nevertheless
seen and heard enough in the course of my short visit
to satisfy me that your own dear experience had availed
nothing toward the amendment of your life. My object was
to let you know that the eye of man as well as of that God, of
whom you seek not, was upon you—to impress upon your mind
some of your duty towards your husband, and, if possible, to
rouse some dormant spark of virtue, if haply any such should
slumber in your bosom. The conscience of the most hardened
criminal has, by a sudden stroke, been alarmed into repentance
and contrition. Yours, I perceive, is not made of penetrable
stuff. Unhappy woman, why will you tempt the forbearance
of that Maker who has, perhaps, permitted you to run your
course of vice and sin that you might feel it to be a life of
wretchedness, alarm and suspicion? You now live in the daily
and nightly dread of discovery. Detection itself can hardly be
worse. Some of the proofs of your guilt, (you know to which
of them I allude); those which in despair you sent me through
Dr. Meade on your leaving Virginia; those proofs, I say, had
not been produced against you had you not falsely used my
name in imposing upon the generous man to whose arms you
have brought pollution! to whom next to my unfortunate
brother you were most indebted, and whom next to him you
have most deeply injured. You told Mr. Morris that I had
offered you marriage subsequent to your arraignment for the
most horrible of crimes, when you were conscious that I never
at any time made such proposals. You have, therefore,
released me from any implied obligation, (with me it would
have been sacred; notwithstanding you laid no injunction of
the sort upon me, provided you had respected my name and
decently discharged your duties to your husband) to withhold
the papers from the inspection of all except my own family. "My husband yesterday communicated to me for the first
time your letter of the last of October, together with that
which accompanied it, directed to him. "This is possibly the last letter that you shall receive from me
until I am liberated from my prison-house. Nine hours quill
driving per day is too much. I give up all my correspondents
for a time, even your Uncle Henry. I must not kill myself
outright. Business, important business, now demands every
faculty of my soul and body. If I fail, if I perish, I shall have
fallen in a noble cause—not the cause of my country only but a
dearer one even than that—the cause of my friend and colleague
[Tazewell]. Had he been here, I should never have
suffered and done what I have done and suffered for his sake;
and what I would not undergo again for anything short of the
Kingdom of Heaven. You mistake my character altogether.
I am not ambitious; I have no thirst for power. That is
ambition. Or for the fame that newspapers etc. can confer.
There is nothing worldly worth having (save a real friend and
that I have had) but the love of an amiable and sensible woman;
one who loves with heart and not with her head out of
romances and plays. That I once had. It is gone never to
return, and it changed and became—my God! To what vile
uses do we come at last! I now refer you to the scene in
Shakespeare, first part of Henry IV at Warworth Castle, where
Lady Percy comes in upon Hotspur who had been reading the
letter of his candid friend. Read the whole of it from the
soliloquy to the end of it. `This (I borrow his words) is no
world to play with mammets and to tilt with lips.' It is for
fribbles and Narcissus and [illegible], idle worthless drones who
encumber the lap of society, who never did and never will do
anything but admire themselves in a glass, or look at their
own legs; it is for them to skulk when friends and country are
in danger. Hector and Hotspur must take the field and go to
the death. The volcano is burning me up and, as Calanthe
died dancing, so may I die speaking. But my country and my
friends shall never see my back in the field of danger or the
hour of death. Continue to write to me but do not expect an
answer until my engagements of duty are fulfilled."1
1Bryan MSS.
"I write not only because you request it, but because it seems
to fill up a half hour in my tedious day. No life can be more
cheerless than mine. Shall I give you a specimen? One day
serves for all. At daybreak, I take a large tumbler of milk
warm from the cow, after which, but not before, I get a refreshing
nap. I rise as late as possible on system and walk before
breakfast about half a mile. After breakfast, I ride over the
same beaten track and return `too weary for my dinner,' which
I eat without appetite, to pass away the time. Before dark, I
go to bed, after having drunk the best part of a bottle of
Madeira, or the whole of a bottle of Hermitage. Wine is my
chief support. There is no variety in my life; even my morning's
walk is over the same ground; weariness and lassitude are
my portion. I feel deserted by the whole world, and a more
dreary and desolate existence than mine was never known
by man. Even our incomparably fine weather has no effect
upon my spirits."2
2Bryan MSS.
I am glad to learn that you are cheerful
and happy. This used to be the season of gladness and joy.
But times are changed now. I am well aware that I have
changed not less, and that no degree of merriment and festivity
would excite in me the same hilarity that I used to feel. But,
laying that consideration aside, or rather, after making the
most ample allowance for it, I cannot be deceived in the fact
that we are an altered people, and altered in my estimation
sadly for the worse. The very slaves have become almost
forgetful of their Saturnalia. Where now are the rousing
`Christmas Fires' and merry, kind-hearted greetings of the
by-gone times? On this day, it used to be my pride to present
my mother with not less than a dozen partridges for an
ample pie. The young people [became] merry and the old
cheerful. I scratched a few lines to you on Thursday
(I think) or Friday, while lying in my bed. I am now out
of it, and somewhat better; but I still feel the barb rankling in
my side. Whether, or not, it be owing to the debility brought
on by disease, I can't contemplate the present and future
condition of my country without dismay and utter hopelessness.
I trust that I am not one of those who (as was said of a
certain great man) are always of the opinion of the book last
read. But I met with a passage in a review (Edinburgh) of
the works and life of Machiavelli that strikes me with great
force as applicable to the whole country south of Patapsco:
`It is difficult to conceive any situation more painful than that
of a great man condemned to watch the lingering agony of an
exhausted country, to tend it during the alternate fits of
stupefaction and raving which precede its dissolution, to see
the signs of its vitality disappear one by one, till nothing is
left but coldness, darkness, and corruption.' "1
1Washington, Feb. 9, 1829, Garland, v. 2, 317.
"I have been interrupted, and I dare say you wish that it had
been the means of putting an untimely end to this prosing epistle.
As however ours is a weekly post, it gives me leisure to
bore you still further. I have no hesitation (nor would you
either, my friend, if you were brought to the alternative) in
preferring the gentleman's mode of deciding a quarrel to the
blackguard's—and if men must fight (and it seems they will)
there is not, as in our politics, a third alternative. A bully
is as hateful as a Drawcansir: Abolish dueling and you
encourage bullies as well in number as in degree, and lay every
gentleman at the mercy of a cowardly pack of scoundrels. In
fine, my good friend, the Yahoo must be kept down, by
religion, sentiment, manners if you can—but he must be kept
down."1
1Roanoke, June 24, 1811, Nicholson MSS., Libr. Cong.
On taking out my chariot this morning,
for the first time, since I got from your house, to clean it and
the harness (for the dreadful weather has frozen us all up until
today), the knife was found in the bottom of the carriage,
where it must have been dropped from a shallow waist-coat
pocket, as I got in at your door, for I missed the knife soon
afterwards. When I got home, I had the pockets of the
chariot searched, and everything there taken out, and it was
not until John had searched strictly into my portmanteau and
bag, taking out everything therein, that I became perfectly
convinced of what I was before persuaded, that I had left the
knife in my chamber in your house on Tuesday the 6th, and,
when I heard it had not been seen, I took it for granted that
your little yellow boy, having `found it,' had, according to the
negro code of morality, appropriated it to himself. In this, it
seems I was mistaken, and I ask his pardon as the best amends
I can make to him; and, at the same time to relieve you and
Mrs. M. from the unpleasant feeling that such a suspicion would
occasion, I dispatch this note by a special messanger, although
I have a certain conveyance tomorrow. I make no apology to
yourself or to Mrs. M. for the frank expression of my suspicion,
because truth is the Goddess at whose shrine I worship, and no
Huguenot in France, or Morisco in Spain, or Judaizing Christian
in Portugal ever paid more severely for his heretical schism
VOL. II—27
than I have done in leaving the established church of falsehood
and grimace. I am well aware that ladies are as delicate as
they are charming creatures, and that, in our intercourse with
them, we must strain the truth as far as possible. Brought up
from their earliest infancy to disguise their real sentiments
(for a woman would be a monster who did not practice this
disguise) it is their privilege to be insincere, and we should
despise [them] and justly too, if they had that manly frankness
and reserve, which constitutes the ornament of our character,
as the very reverse does of theirs. We must, therefore, keep
this in view in all of our intercourse with them, and recollect
that, as our point of honour is courage and frankness, theirs
is chastity and dissimulation, for, as I said before, a woman
who does not dissemble her real feelings is a monster of
impudence. Now, therefore, it does so happen (as Mr.
Canning would say) that truth is very offensive to the ears of a
lady when to those of a gentleman (her husband for instance)
it would be not at all so. To illustrate—Mrs. Randolph of
Bizarre, my brother's widow, was beyond all comparison the
nicest and best house-wife that I ever saw. Not one drop of
water was suffered to stand upon her sideboard, except what
was in the pitcher, the house from cellar to garret, and in every
part [was] as clean as hands could make it, and everything as it
should be to suit even my fastidious taste. "(The severest attack which I have had for a long time,
obliged me to give over writing yesterday. The distress and
anxiety of the last 18 hours are not to be described.) "The last sentence was not finished until today. I have been
very much distressed by my complaint and, as the Packet,
which will carry this, does not sail until Thursday morning, I
have written by snatches. Saturday, I made out to dine with
the famous `Beef Steaks'; which I had a great desire to do.
The scene was unique. Nothing permitted but Beef Steaks
and potatoes, port wine, punch, brandy and water, &c. The
broadest mirth and most unreserved freedoms among the
members; every thing and every body burlesqued; in short, a
party of school boys on a frolic could not have been more
unrestrained in the expression of their merriment. I was
delighted with the conviviality and heartiness of the company.
Among other toasts, we had that `great friend of Liberty,
Prince Metternich' and a great deal more of admirable foolery.
The company waited chiefly on themselves. The songs,
without exception, were mirth-stirring and well sung. In short,
here I saw a sample of old English manners; for the same tone
has been kept up from the foundation of the club—more than a
century. Nothing could be happier than the burlesque
speeches of some of the officers of the club; especially a Mr.
Stephenson (Vice P.) who answered to the call of `Boots!'
Maj. Gen. Sir Andrew Barnard presided admirably, and
another gallant officer, Gen'l Sir Ronald Ferguson, greatly
contributed to our hilarity also. Admiral Dundas (not of the
Scotch clan) a new Ld of Admiralty, who came in for his full
share of humour and left-handed compliments, paid his full
quota towards the entertainment. In short, I have not
chuckled with laughter before since I left Virginia."1
1Sou. Lit. Mess., Richm., Nov. 1856, 382-385.
As there seems little probability that
change of scene will produce any permanent benefit to my
unhappy child, I would wish to know whether you suppose it
could be any disadvantage to him to have him removed to
Bizarre, where, in a few weeks, I can have a very comfortable
room fitted up for myself. You say that you think the negroes
can restrain St. George sufficiently, and that he shows no disposition
to injure persons or animals. If so, there is no reason
why you should suffer exclusively the melancholy sight which
it is my duty and my inclination to relieve you from. At this
place, he cannot be kept; the vicinity of the highroad; the
tavern opposite, which is now continually visited by strangers,
together with the excessive heat and sun in this house, would
destroy him. In his own little apartment at Bizarre, he could
be very comfortable; it is so well shaded. Oh! had we never
quitted that spot, desolate as it now is! my child would never
have lost his reason! A more guileless, innocent and happy
creature I believe never existed than he, until that fatal calamity
which sent us forth houseless."1
1Farmville, June 28, 1814, Bryan MSS.
Do you love gardening? I hope you do,
for it is an employment eminently suited to a lady. That
most graceful and amiable friend of mine, [Mrs. Dr. John
Brockenbrough] whom you now never mention in your letters,
excels in it, and in all the domestic arts that give its highest
value to the female character. The misfortune of your sex is
that you are brought up to think that love constitutes the
business of life, and, for want of other subjects, your heads run
upon little else. This passion, which is `the business of the idle
man, the amusement of the hero, and the bane of the sovereign,'
occupies too much of your time and thoughts. I never
knew an idle fellow who was not profligate (a rare case to be
sure), that was not the slave of some princess, and, no matter
how often the subject of his adoration was changed by a marriage
with some more fortunate swain, the successor (for there
is no demise of that crown) was quickly invested with the
attributes of her predecessor, and he was dying of love for her
lest he should die of the gapes. To a sorry fellow of this sort a
mistress is as necessary an antidote against ennui as tobacco;
but to return to gardening, I never saw one of those innumerable
and lovely seats in England without wishing for one for
Mrs. B. [Brockenbrough] who would know so well how to
enjoy while she admired it. I beg pardon of the Wilderness a thousand
times. I have no doubt that it is a most respectable desert,
with a charming little oasis inhabited by very good sort of
people, quite different from the wandering Barbarians around
them. To say the truth, I was a little out of temper with the
aforesaid desert because it had subjected me more than
once to disappointment in regard to you. At Fredericksburg,
you seem to be within my reach: but there I can't get at you.
I am too much of a wild man of the woods myself to take upon
me airs over my fellow-savages. And I shall be willing hereafter
to rank your wilderness along with the far-famed forest of
Arden. By the way, this is not saying much for it. I traveled
two weary days' journey through the Ardennes in 1826. Figure
for yourself a forest of beech and alder saplings intersected
by a thousand cart tracks, the soil, if soil it might be called,
strongly resembling the Stafford Hills of Virginia, and where,
instead of spreading oaks or beech, under which I hoped to find
Angelica asleep by a crystal stream, we had much ado to find
a drop of water for our sorry cattle, who painfully drew us
through the ruts of a narrow, hollow way, deeply worn in the
uneven ground, and sheltered from everything but the sun
(In August) by a thicket of brushwood, through which, every
now and then, peeped the sooty figure of a charcoal burner.
I did not expect to meet with Rosalind or Orlando, because I
had corrected a former misapprehension in regard to the scene
of that enchanting drama. Shakespeare, it seems, so say the
critics, had in his eye the forest of Arden in his native Warwickshire,
and a delightful forest it would be, if there were fewer
towns and villages and more trees. As it is, however, it is
what is called in England a woody tract, and the woodmen of
Arden meet there annually, and contend for prizes in archery
(a silver arrow or bugle); excited by the smiles of all the `Beauty
and Fashion' of the neighboring country. My late apparent rashness, I am overjoyed
to see, has not wounded you. That it has made you
uneasy, I regret, but why was I so moved; because I love you
more than worlds. I am the man in the book with one little
ewe lamb: but I am not the man tamely to see the wolf carry it
away. I will resist even unto blood. My fate was in your
hands. When you come to know my history, you will see what
it is that makes me what the world would call desperate.
Desperation is the fruit of guilt, of remorse. It is for the
unjust. It is for the wretched who had rather steal than work.
It is for the Harrels (see Cecilia) who prefer hell at home and
in their own bosoms to the foregoing of dress, and shew, and
parties, and an equipage, when their fortune will not afford a
wheelbarrow."2
2Mar. 30, 1828, Bryan MSS.
When I got home from Richmond,
a fortnight ago, Dr. Dudley informed me that he had, that
very morning, sent letters for me to that place by my wagon—
`one from Rutledge.' (I come a different road until within a
few miles of my own house.) At length, `the heavy rolling
wain' has returned—a safer, and ofttimes a swifter, conveyance
than the Post—and I have the pleasure to read your letter
written on my birthday. I hope you will always celebrate
it in the same way, and, as probably you never knew that
important fact, or have forgotten it, I must inform you that it
falls just two days before that of our sometime king, on the
anniversary of whose nativity you tell me you had proposed to
set out, or, as it is more elegantly expressed in our Doric idiom,
`to start' for the good old thirteen United States. I am too
unwell and too much fatigued to say much more than to
VOL. II.—35
express my disappointment at not seeing you on your Atlantic
Pilgrimage. I knew that I did not lie in your route, and, altho'
I had no right to expect such a deflection from your line of
march, yet, somehow or other, joining an expression of one
of your letters and my own wishes together, I made up a sort of
not very confident hope of seeing you in my solitary cabin—
`bag [and] baggage' as you say. I acknowledge that my construction
of your language was strained, but, when once we
have set our hearts upon anything, `trifles light as air' serve our
purpose as well as `holy writ.' And so you have been given
back like another Orpheus by the infernal regions—but without
leaving your Eurydice behind you. I suspect you cast no
`longing, lingering look behind.' Pray tell me whether your
Ixions of the West (whom I take to be true `crackers') stopped
their wheels, as you passed; or Tantalus forgot his thirst, and
put by the untasted whiskey. Since you left us, I have been deeply
engaged in what you advised. I have reviewed the Roman
and Grecian history; I have done more; I have reviewed my
own. Believe me, Jack, that I am less calculated for society
than almost any man in existence. I am not perhaps a vain
fool, but I have too much vanity, and I am too susceptible
of flattery. I have that fluency which will attract attention
and receive applause from an unthinking multitude. Content
with my superiority, I should be too indolent to acquire real,
useful knowledge. I am stimulated by gratitude, by friendship
and by love to make exertions now. I feel confident that you
will view my foibles with a lenient eye; that you will see me
prosper and in my progress be delighted."1
1Garland, v. 1, 73.
I am not ceremonious. I feel a conviction
that your silence does not proceed from a want of regard, but
from a cause more important to the world, to yourself, and, if
possible, more distressing to me than the loss of that place in
your heart, on which depends my future prosperity. I had
fondly hoped that the change of scene, and the novelty of
business, would have dissipated that melancholy which overhung
you. To see my friend return happy and well, was the
only wish of my heart. "What are my emotions, dearest brother, at seeing your
horse thus far on his way to return you among us! How
eagerly do I await the appointed day! Ryland [Randolph]
has returned, and another of the children of misfortune will
seek refuge and consolation under this hospitable roof. He
has promised me by letter to be with us in a day or two. What
pleasure do I anticipate in the society of our incomparable
sister, in yours, in Ryland's! I wish I had the vanity to
suppose I was worthy of it. "Your letter was `right welcome unto me,' as my favorite
old English writers say or sing, but much more welcome was
the bearer of it. Son of yours, even with far less claims from
his own merit than this gentleman obviously possesses, shall
never be shown the `cauld shoulther.' I hope that you'll
pardon my using the Waverley tongue, which I must fear bodes
no good to the good old English aforesaid, and which I shall
therefore leave to them that like it,—which I do not, out of
its place,—and not always there. In short, I have not catched
the literary `Scotch fiddle,' and, in despite of Dr. Blair, do
continue to believe that Swift and Addison understood their
own mother tongue as well as any Sawney, `benorth tha'
Tweed.' Nay, further, not having the fear of the Edinburgh
Reviewers before my eyes, I do not esteem Sir Walter to be a
poet, or the Rev. Dr. Chalmers a pulpit orator. But, as I do
not admire Mr. Kean, I fear that my reputation for taste
is, like my earthly tabernacle, in a hopeless state. "If my memory does not deceive me," Randolph said, "you
made me a sort of promise last winter to give Mr. Wood a
sitting for me. Will you pardon the reminding you of this
engagement by one who is too sensible of the kindness he received
from you not to wish for a memorial of him by whom it
was shown. Your portrait will make a most suitable companion
for that of the Chief Justice, who was good enough to sit
for me; and I mention this to show you that you will not be in
company that should disgrace you. This is no common-place address, for
without profession or pretension such you have quietly and
modestly proved yourself to be, while, like Darius, I have been "As well as very bad implements and worse eyes will permit
me to do it by candlelight, I will endeavor to make some return
to your kind letter, which I received, not by Quashee, but the
mail. I also got a short note by him, for which I thank you.
. . . And now, my dear friend, one word in your ear—in
the porches of thine ear. With Archimedes, I may cry Eureka.
Why, what have you found—the philosopher's stone? No—
something better than that. Gyges' ring? No. A substitute
for bank paper? No. The elixir vitœ, then? It is; but it is
the elixir of eternal life. It is that peace of God which passeth
all understanding, and which is no more to be conceived of by
the material heart than poor St. George can be made to feel and
taste the difference between the Italian and German music.
It is a miracle, of which the person, upon whom it is wrought,
alone is conscious—as he is conscious of any other feeling—e.g.
whether the friendship he professes for A or B be a real sentiment
of his heart, or simulated to serve a turn. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
|
