| | 1 | Author: | Adams
Henry
1838-1918 | Add | | | Title: | John Randolph  | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | William, first American ancestor of the innumerable
Randolphs of Virginia, made his
appearance there at some time not precisely
known, but probably about the year 1660.
The books tell us neither whence he came,
who he was, why he emigrated, nor what were
his means; but "William Randolph, gentleman,
of Turkey Island," originally from Warwickshire,
or from Yorkshire, at all events
from England, unless it were from Scotland,
married Mary Isham, of Bermuda Hundred,
and by her had seven sons and two daughters,
whose descendants swarmed like bees in the
Virginian hive. Turkey Island, just above the
junction of the James with the Appomattox,
lies unnoticed by mankind except at long intervals
of a hundred years. In 1675, about
the time when William Randolph began his
prosperous career there, Nathaniel Bacon lived
on his plantation at Curles, adjoining Randolph's
estate. Bacon's famous rebellion broke
out in this year, and in 1706, according to the
records of Henrico County, Curles, after escheating
to the King, had come into the hands
of William Randolph's sons. The world's
attention, however, was not so actively drawn
to this group of tobacco plantations by Bacon's
rebellion as by Benedict Arnold's raid in
1781, and neither of these bloody and destructive
disturbances made the region nearly so
famous as it became on June 30, 1862, when
fifty thousand Northern troops, beaten, weary,
and disorganized, converged at Malvern Hill and
Turkey Island Bridge, and the next day fought
a battle which saved their army and perhaps
their cause, without a thought or a care for
the dust of forgotten Randolphs, on which they
were trampling in this cradle of the race. They
were not more indifferent than the family itself,
for long before this time the descendants of
William Randolph had grown up, multiplied,
accumulated great possessions in slaves and
land, then slowly waned in fortune, and at last
disappeared, until not an acre of land on the
James or the Appomattox was owned by a Randolph. Known to you only as holding, in common
with yourself, the honorable station of servant to the
same sovereign people, and disclaiming all pretentions
to make to you any application which in the
general estimation of men requires the preface of
apology, I shall, without the circumlocution of compliment,
proceed to state the cause which induces
this address." "I have not seen, although I have heard, of the
attack which you mention, upon Gallatin, in the
`Aurora.' That paper is so long in reaching me,
and, moreover, is so stuffed with city, or rather suburb,
politics, that I seldom look at it. Indeed, I
have taken a disgust at newspapers ever since the
deception and disappointment which I felt in the case
of Langdon's election. If the `Boston Chronicle,'
published almost upon the spot, should so grossly misrepresent
a plain matter of fact, so easily ascertained,
what reliance can be placed upon a newspaper statement?
My incredulity refused to credit Hamilton's
death, which I thought it very likely would be contradicted
by the next mail; and, until I saw Morris's
wretched attempt at oratory, regarded it merely as a
matter of speculation. You ask my opinion on that
subject; it differs but little, I believe, from your
own. I feel for Hamilton's immediate connections
real concern; for himself, nothing; for his party and
those soi-disant republicans who have been shedding
crocodile tears over him, contempt. The first are
justly punished for descending to use Burr as a tool
to divide their opponents; the last are hypocrites, who
deify Hamilton merely that they may offer up their
enemy on his altars. If Burr had not fallen, like Lucifer,
never to rise again, the unprincipled persecution
of Cheetham might do him service. (By the way, I
wonder if Dennie adverted to Cheetham's patronage
of General Hamilton's memory, when he said that,
`except the imported scoundrel,' etc., etc., all bewailed
his loss.) As it is, those publications are calculated to
engage for him the pity even of those who must deny
their esteem. The people, who ultimately never fail
to make a proper decision, abhor persecution, and
while they justly refuse their confidence to Mr. Burr,
they will detest his oppressors. They cannot, they
will not, grope in the vile mire of seaport politics, not
less vitiated than their atmosphere. Burr's is indeed
an irreparable defeat. He is cut off from all hope
of a retreat among the federalists, not so much because
he has overthrown their idol as because he
cannot answer their purpose. If his influence were
sufficient to divide us, Otis and Morris would to-morrow,
ere those shoes were old in which they followed
Hamilton to the grave, go to the hustings and vote
for Burr; and if his character had no other stain
upon it than the blood of Hamilton, he should have
mine, for any secondary office. I admire his letters,
particularly that signed by Van Ness, and think his
whole conduct in that affair does him honor. How
much it is to be regretted that so nice a perception
of right and wrong, so delicate a sense of propriety,
as he there exhibits should have had such little
influence on his general conduct! In his correspondence
with Hamilton, how visible is his ascendency
over him, and how sensible does the latter appear
of it! There is an apparent consciousness of some
inferiority to his enemy displayed by Hamilton
throughout that transaction, and from a previous
sight of their letters I could have inferred the issue
of the contest. On one side there is labored obscurity,
much equivocation, and many attempts at evasion,
not unmixed with a little blustering; on the
other, an unshaken adherence to his object and an
undeviating pursuit of it, not to be eluded or baffled.
It reminded me of a sinking fox pressed by a vigorous
old hound, where no shift is permitted to avail
him. But perhaps you think me inclined to do Burr
more than justice. I assure you, however, that
when I first saw the correspondence, and before my
feelings were at all excited for the man, as they have
been in some degree by the savage yell which has
been raised against him, I applauded the spirit and
admired the style of his compositions. They are the
first proof which I ever saw of his ability." "On my return from Fredericksburg, after a racing
campaign, I was very agreeably accosted by your
truly welcome letter, to thank you for which, and not
because I have anything, stable news excepted, to
communicate, I now take up the pen. It is some
satisfaction to me, who have been pestered with inquiries
that I could not answer on the subject of
public affairs, to find that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
and First Lord of the Treasury is in as comfortable
a state of ignorance as myself. Pope says of
governments, that is best which is best administered.
What idea, then, could he have of a government
which was not administered at all? The longer I
live, the more do I incline to somebody's opinion
that there is in the affairs of this world a mechanism
of which the very agents themselves are ignorant,
and which, of course, they can neither calculate nor
control. As much free will as you please in everything
else, but in politics I must ever be a necessitarian.
And this comfortable doctrine saves me a deal
of trouble and many a twinge of conscience for my
heedless ignorance. I therefore leave Major Jackson
and his Ex. of Casa Yrujo to give each other the lie
in Anglo-American or Castilian fashions, just as it
suits them, and when people resort to me for intelligence,
instead of playing the owl and putting on a face
of solemn nonsense, I very fairly tell them, with perfect
nonchalance, that I know nothing of the matter,
— from which, if they have any discernment, they
may infer that I care as little about it, — and then
change the subject as quickly as I can to horses, dogs,
the plough, or some other upon which I feel myself
competent to converse. In short, I like originality
too well to be a second-hand politician when I can
help it. It is enough to live upon the broken victuals
and be tricked out in the cast-off finery of you
first-rate statesmen all the winter. When I cross the
Potomac I leave behind me all the scraps, shreds, and
patches of politics which I collect during the session,
and put on the plain homespun, or, as we say, the
`Virginia cloth,' of a planter, which is clean, whole,
and comfortable, even if it be homely. Nevertheless,
I have patriotism enough left to congratulate
you on the fullness of the public purse, and cannot
help wishing that its situation could be concealed
from our Sangrados in politics, with whom depletion
is the order of the day. On the subject of a navy, you
know my opinion concurs with yours. I really feel
ashamed for my country, that whilst she is hectoring
before the petty corsairs of the coast of Barbary,
she should truckle to the great pirate of the German
Ocean; and I would freely vote a naval force
that should blow the Cambrian and Leander out of
water. Indeed, I wish Barron's squadron had been
employed on that service. I am perfectly aware
of the importance of peace to us, particularly with
Great Britain, but I know it to be equally necessary
to her; and in short, if we have any honor as a nation
to lose, which is problematical, I am unwilling
to surrender it. "Bizarre, 29 March, 1805. . . . My sins against
Monroe, in whose debt I have been for near five
months, would have excited something of compunction
in me were I any longer susceptible of such sensations;
but I will write to him immediately on your
subject; and, take my word for it, my good friend,
he is precisely that man to whom your spirit would
not disdain to be obliged. For, if I know you, there
are very few beings in this vile world of ours from
whom you would not scorn even the semblance of obligation.
In a few weeks I shall sail for London myself.
. . . I gather from the public prints that we are
severely handled by the feds and their new allies.
Not the least equivocal proof, my friend, that the
trust reposed in us has not been betrayed. I hope to
be back in time to trail a pike with you in the next
campaign. . . . I wish very much to have if it were
but half an hour's conversation with you. Should
you see Gallatin, commend me to him and that admirable
woman his wife. What do you augur from
the vehement puff of B[urr]? As you well know,
I never was among his persecutors, but this is overstepping
the modesty of nature. Besides, we were
in Washington at the time, and heard nothing of the
miraculous effects of his valedictory. Rely upon it,
strange things are at hand. Never did the times require
more union and decision among the real friends
of freedom. But shall we ever see decision or union?
I fear not. To those men who are not disposed
to make a job of politics, never did public
affairs present a more awful aspect. Everything and
everybody seems to be jumbled out of place, except
a few men who are steeped in supine indifference,
whilst meddling fools and designing knaves are
governing the country under the sanction of their
names." "28 June, 1805. . . . I do not understand your
manœuvres at headquarters, nor should I be surprised
to see the Navy Department abolished, or, in
more appropriate phrase, swept by the board, at the
11
next session of Congress. The nation has had the
most conclusive proof that a head is no necessary appendage
to the establishment." "I am still too unwell to turn out. My bowels are
torn all to pieces. If you persist in voting the money,
the committee will alter its report. Write me on this
subject, and tell me what you are doing. How is
Edward to-day? I 've heard from St. George. He
got to Norfolk in time for the Intrepid, on the 24th,
Tuesday. She was loaded, and only waiting for a fair
wind. If the southeaster of Friday did not drive her
back into the Chesapeake, she has by this time crossed
the Gulf Stream. The poor fellow was very seasick
going down the bay. "Bizarre, 3 June, 1806. . . . The public prints
teem with misrepresentations, which it would be vain
to oppose, even if an independent press could be found
to attempt it. The torrent is for the present resistless.
I long for the meeting of Congress, an event
which hitherto I have always deprecated, that I may
face the monster of detraction. . . . Nothing will be
left undone to excite an opposition to me at the next
election, but I have no expectation that it will be effected,
or of its success in case it should. There are
too many gaping idolaters of power among us, but,
like you, we have men of sterling worth; and one
thing is certain, — that, however we may differ on the
subject of the present administration, all parties here
(I speak of the republicans) unite in support of Monroe
for President. I have heard of but one dissenting
voice, Giles, who is entirely misled; all his information
is from E[ppes], his representative. They
talk of an expression of the opinion of our legislature
to this effect at their next meeting. An inefficient
opposition is making to Garnett. Thompson, I
believe, will have an opponent likewise, but this is
not yet determined on. From what I have written
above you are not to infer that I mean to yield a
bloodless victory to my enemies. You know me well
enough, I hope, to believe that a want of perseverance
is not among my defects. I will persevere to
the last in the cause in which I am embarked." "Washington, March 20, 1806. . . . There is
no longer a doubt but that the principles of our administration
have been materially changed. The
compass of a letter (indeed, a volume would be too
small) cannot suffice to give you even an outline. Suffice
it to say that everything is made a business of bargain
and traffic, the ultimate object of which is to raise
Mr. Madison to the presidency. To this the old
republican party will never consent, nor can New
York be brought into the measure. Between them
and the supporters of Mr. Madison there is an open
rupture. Need I tell you that they (the old republicans)
are united in your support? that they look to
you, sir, for the example which this nation has yet to
receive to demonstrate that the government can be
conducted on open, upright principles, without intrigue
or any species of disingenuous artifice? We are extremely
rejoiced to hear that you are about to return
to the United States. Much as I am personally interested,
through St. George, in your stay in Europe, I
would not have you remain one day longer. Your
country requires, nay demands, your presence. It is
time that a character which has proved invulnerable
to every open attack should triumph over insidious
enmity." "Georgetown, 10 December, 1806. . . . The
message of the 3d was, as you supposed, wormwood
to certain gentry. They made wry faces, but, in fear
of the rod and in hopes of sugar-plums, swallowed it
with less apparent repugnance than I had predicted.
. . . Of all the men who have met me with the
greatest apparent cordiality, old Smilie is the last
whom you would suspect. I understand that they
(you know who they are) are well disposed towards
a truce. The higher powers are in the same goodly
temper, as I am informed. I have seen nobody belonging
to the administration but the Secretary of the
Navy, who called here the day before yesterday, and
whose visit I repaid this morning. You may remember,
some years ago, my having remarked to you the
little attention which we received from the grandees,
and the little disposition which I felt to court it. I
have therefore invariably waited for the first advance
from them, because at home I conceive myself bound
to make it to any gentleman who may be in my neighborhood." "Committee Room, 17 February, 1807. . . .
Bad as you suppose matters to be, they are even
worse than you apprehend. What think you of that
Prince of Prigs and Puppies, G. W. C[ampbell] for
a judge of the Supreme Court of the United States!!!
Risum teneas? You must know we have made a new
circuit, consisting of the three western States, with an
additional associate justice. A caucus (excuse the
slang of politics) was held, as I am informed, by the
delegations of those States for the purpose of recommending
some character to the President. Boyle was
talked of, but the interest of C. finally prevailed.
This is `Tom, Dick, and Harry' with a vengeance.
. . . If Mr. `American,' whom, by the way, I never
see, should persevere in the attack which you tell me
he is making upon me, I shall issue letters of marque
and reprisal against his principals. The doughty
general [Samuel Smith] is vulnerable at all points,
and his plausible brother [Robert Smith] not much
better defended. The first has condemned in terms
of unqualified reprobation the general measures pursued
by the administration, and lamented that, such
was the public infatuation, no man could take a position
against it without destroying himself and injuring
the cause which he attempted to serve, — with
much more to the same tune. I called some time
since at the navy office to ask an explanation of certain
items of the estimate for this year. The Secretary
called up his chief clerk, who knew very little
more of the business than his master. I propounded
a question to the head of the department; he turned
to the clerk like a boy who cannot say his lesson, and
with imploring countenance beseeches aid; the clerk
with much assurance gabbled out some commonplace
jargon, which I would not take for sterling; an explanation
was required, and both were dumb. This
pantomime was repeated at every new item, until, disgusted,
and ashamed for the degraded situation of the
principal, I took leave without pursuing the subject,
seeing that my subject could not be attained. There
was not one single question relating to the department
that the Secretary could answer." "Bizarre, March 24, 1807. . . . Mr. T. M.
Randolph suddenly declines a reëlection, in favor of
Wilson Nicholas, whose talents for intrigue you well
know, I presume. Had I known of Mr. Purviance's
arrival, I should certainly have remained in Washington
for the purpose of seeing him, and procuring
better information concerning the treaty than the
contradictory accounts of the newspapers furnish. I
have considered the decree of Berlin to be the great
cause of difficulty; at the same time, I never had a
doubt that clamor would be raised against the treaty,
be it what it might. My reasons for this opinion I
will give when we meet. They are particular as well
as general. Prepare yourself to be surprised at some
things which you will near." "Richmond, May 30, 1807. . . . The friends of
Mr. Madison have left nothing undone to impair the
very high and just confidence of the nation in yourself.
Nothing but the possession of the government
could have enabled them to succeed, however partially,
in this attempt. In Virginia they have met
with the most determined resistance, and although
I believe the executive influence will at last carry
the point, for which it has been unremittingly exerted,
of procuring the nomination of electors favorable
to the Secretary of State, yet it is not even
in its power to shake the confidence of the people
of this State in your principles and abilities, or to
efface your public services from their recollection.
I should be wanting in my duty to you, my dear
sir, were I not to apprise you that exertions to diminish
the value of your character and public services
have been made by persons, and in a manner
that will be scarcely credible to you, although at the
same time unquestionably true. Our friend Colonel
Mercer, should you land in a northern port, can give
you some correct and valuable information on this
and other subjects. Meanwhile, the republicans of
New York, sore with the coalition effected by Mr.
John Nicholas between his party and the federalists
(now entirely discomfited), and knowing the auspices
under which he acted, are irreconcilably opposed
to Mr. Madison, and striving to bring forward Mr.
Clinton, the Vice-President. Much consequently
depends on the part which Pennsylvania will take in
this transaction. There is a leaning, evidently, towards
the New York candidate. Whether the executive
influence will be able to overcome this predisposition
yet remains to be seen. In the person of any
other man than Mr. M. I have no doubt it would
succeed. But the republicans of Pennsylvania, setting
all other considerations aside, are indignant at
the recollection that in all their struggles with the
combined parties of McKean, etc., and the federalists,
the hand of government has been felt against
them, and so far as it has been exerted they choose to
ascribe [it] to the exertions of Mr. M. Such is, as
nearly as I can collect, the posture of affairs at present.
Wilson C. N[icholas] and Duane are both in town at
this time. Some important result is no doubt to flow
from this conjunction. When you return, you will
hardly know the country. A system of espionage
and denunciation has been organized which pervades
every quarter. Distrust and suspicion generally prevail
in the intercourse between man and man. All is
constraint, reserve, and mystery. Intrigue has arrived
at a pitch which I hardly supposed it would have
reached in five centuries. The man of all others who,
I suppose, would be the last suspected by you is the
nucleus of this system. The maxim of Rochefoucauld
is in him completely verified, `that an affectation
of simplicity is the refinement of imposture.'
Hypocrisy and treachery have reached their acme
amongst us. I hope that I shall see you very soon
after your arrival. I can then give you a full explanation
of these general expressions, and proof
that they have been made upon the surest grounds.
Amongst your unshaken friends you may reckon two
of our chancellors, Mr. Nicholson of Maryland, Mr.
Clay of Philadelphia, Col. Jno. Taylor, and Mr.
Macon." "Baltimore, April 12, 1807. . . . As to the
public sentiment, I cannot readily state what it is.
Perhaps there is none. The President's popularity
is unbounded, and his will is that of the nation. His
approbation seems to be the criterion by which the
correctness of all public events is tested. Any treaty,
therefore, which he sanctions will be approved of by
a very large proportion of our people. The federalists
will murmur, but as this is the result of system,
and not of principle, its impression will be neither
deep nor extensive. A literal copy of Jay's treaty,
if ratified by the present administration, would meet
their opposition, while the same instrument, although
heretofore so odious to some of us, would now command
the support of a large body who call themselves
democrats. Such is our present infatuation. To
this general position, however, there are some honest
exceptions. There is a portion who yet retain the
feelings of 1798, and whom I denominate the old
republican party. These men are personally attached
to the President, and condemn his measures when
they think him wrong. They neither wish for nor
expect anything from his extensive patronage. Their
public service is intended for the public good, and has
no view to private emolument or personal ambition.
But it is said they have not his confidence, and I lament
it. You must have perceived from the public
prints that the most active members in the House of
Representatives are new men, and I fear that foreign
nations will not estimate American talent very highly
if our congressional proceedings are taken as the rule.
If you knew the Sloans, the Alstons, and the Bidwells
of the day, and there are a great many of them,
you would be mortified at seeing the affairs of the
nation in such miserable hands. Yet these are styled
exclusively the President's friends. . . . These facts
will enable you to form an early opinion as to the
necessity of remaining in England. You know Mr.
Jefferson perfectly well, and can therefore calculate
the chances of his approving anything done not in
precise conformity to his instructions. He is, however,
somewhat different from what he was. He feels
at present his own strength with the nation, and
therefore is less inclined to yield to the advice of his
friends. Your return is anxiously wished for by
many who, I presume you know, are desirous of putting
you in nomination for the presidency. My own
expectations are not very sanguine on this subject.
Great efforts are making for and by another. The
Virginia and New York elections which take place in
the course of the present month will determine much.
The point is made throughout Virginia, I believe,
and much solicitude is felt and expressed by the candidate
for the presidency as to the result of the several
elections. It is to be hoped, therefore, that you
will return as early as possible." "Bizarre, 25 March, 1807. . . . I fully intended
to have written to you the day before my departure
from Washington, but was prevented by an accident
which had nearly demolished me. Being very unwell
on Monday night, the 2d, and no carriage to be procured,
I accepted the offer of one of his horses from
Dr. Bibb (successor to Spalding), and we set out together
for Georgetown. Not very far beyond our
old establishment (Sally Dashiell's), the only girth
there was to the saddle gave way, and as it fitted the
horse very badly it came with his rider at once to
the ground. Figure to yourself a man almost bruised
to death, on a dark, cold night, in the heart of the
capital of the United States, out of sight or hearing
of a human habitation, and you will have a tolerably
exact idea of my situation, premising that I was previously
knocked up by our legislative orgies, and some
scrapes that our friend Lloyd led me into. With
Bibb's assistance, however, I mounted the other horse,
and we crept along to Crawford's, where I was seized
with a high fever, the effects of which have not yet
left me. To end this Canterbury tale, I did not get
out of bed until Wednesday afternoon, when I left it
to begin a painful journey homewards. Anything,
however, was preferable to remaining within the ten-miles-square
one day longer than I was obliged. . . .
Colonel Burr (quantum mutatus ab illo!) passed by
my door the day before yesterday, under a strong
guard. So I am told, for I did not see him, and
nobody hereabouts is acquainted with his person.
The soldiers escorting him, it seems, indulged his
aversion to be publicly known, and to guard against
inquiry as much as possible he was accoutred in a
shabby suit of homespun, with an old white hat
flapped over his face, the dress in which he was apprehended.
From the description, and indeed the
confession of the commanding officer to one of my
neighbors, I have no doubt it was Burr himself.
His very manner of travelling, although under arrest,
was characteristic of the man, enveloped in mystery." "Richmond, 25 June, 1807. . . . Yesterday the
grand jury found bills of treason and misdemeanor
against Burr and Blennerhassett, una voce, and this
day presented Jonathan Dayton, ex-senator, John
Smith of Ohio, Comfort Tyler, Israel Smith of New
York, and Davis Floyd of Indiana, for treason. But
the mammoth of iniquity escaped; not that any man
pretended to think him innocent, but upon certain
wire-drawn distinctions that I will not pester you
with. Wilkinson is the only man that I ever saw
who was from the bark to the very core a villain. . . .
Perhaps you never saw human nature in so degraded
a situation as in the person of Wilkinson before the
grand jury, and yet this man stands on the very summit
and pinnacle of executive favor, whilst James Monroe
is denounced. As for such men as the quids you speak
of, I should hardly think his Majesty would stoop to
such humble quarry, when James Monroe was in
view. Tazewell, who is writing on the other side of
the table, and whom you surely remember, says that
he makes the fifth. The other four you have not
mistaken. My friend, I am standing on the soil of
my native country, divested of every right for which
our fathers bled. Politics have usurped the place of
law, and the scenes of 1798 are again revived. Men
now see and hear, and feel and think, politically.
Maxims are now advanced and advocated, which
would almost have staggered the effrontery of Bayard
or the cooler impudence of Chauncy Goodrich, when
we were first acquainted. But enough of this! It
will not be long, I presume, before I shall see you
again. The news of the capture of the Chesapeake
arrived this morning, and I suppose the President
will convene Congress, of course. I have been looking
for something of this sort ever since the change
of ministry and rejection of the treaty was announced.
I have tried to avert from my country a war which I
foresaw must succeed the follies of 1805-6, but I
shall not be the less disposed to withdraw her from
it or carry her through with honor." "I have indulged myself in reading once more the
speech to which you allude. It is the inspiration of
divine wisdom, and as such I have ever adored it.
But, my good friend, I cannot with you carry my
zeal so far as to turn missionary and teach the gospel
of politics to the heathens of Washington. More
easily might a camel pass through a needle's eye
than one particle of the spirit of Chatham be driven
into that `trembling council,' to whom the destinies
of this degraded country are unhappily confided. . . .
But great God! what can you expect from men
who take Wilkinson to their bosoms, and at the same
time are undermining the characters of Monroe and
Macon, and plotting their downfall! There is but
15
one sentiment here, as far as I can learn, on the subject
of the late outrage: that, as soon as the fact was
ascertained, Congress should have been convened, a
strict embargo laid, Erskine [the British Minister]
sent home, our Ministers recalled, and then we might
begin to deliberate on the means of enforcing our
rights and extorting reparation. The Proclamation
(or, as I term it, the apology) is received rather
coldly among us. Many persons express themselves
much mortified at it. Every one I see asks what government
means to do, and I might answer, `What
they have always done; nothing!' . . . I should not
be surprised, however, if the Drone or Humble Bee,
(the Wasp has sailed already) should be dispatched
with two millions (this is our standing first bid) to
purchase Nova Scotia, and then we might go to war
in peace and quiet to ascertain its boundaries." "December 24, 1807. . . . Come here, I beseech
you. I will then show you how impossible it was
for me to have voted for the embargo. The circumstances
under which it presented itself were peculiar
and compelled me to oppose it, although otherwise a
favorite measure with me, as you well know. It was,
in fact, to crouch to the insolent mandate of Bonaparte
`that there should be no neutrals;' to subscribe
to that act of perfidy and violence, his decree, at the
moment when every consideration prompted us to resist
and resent it. Non-importation and non-exportation,
— what more can he require? Ought we to
have suffered ourselves to be driven by him out of
the course which, whether right or wrong, our government
had thought proper to pursue towards England?
to be dragooned into measures that in all
human calculation must lead to immediate war? Put
no trust in the newspaper statements. They will
mislead you. But come and view the ground, and I
will abide the issue of your judgment." "December 24, 1807. My dear Sir, — In abstaining
so long from a personal interview with you, I
leave you to judge what violence I have committed
upon my private feelings. Before your arrival, however,
I had determined on the course which I ought
to pursue, and had resolved that no personal gratification
should induce me to hazard your future advancement,
and with it the good of my country, by
any attempt to blend the fate of a proscribed individual
with the destiny which, I trust, awaits you. It is,
nevertheless, of the first consequence to us both that
I should have a speedy opportunity of communing
fully with you. This, perhaps, can be best effected
at my own lodgings, where we shall not be exposed
to observation or interruption. I shall, however,
acquiesce with pleasure in any other arrangement
which may appear more eligible to you. "Georgetown, March 9, 1808. . . . A consciousness
of the misconstruction (to your prejudice)
which would be put upon any correspondence between
us has hitherto deterred me from writing. You will
have no difficulty in conceiving my motives in putting
this violence upon my feelings, especially after the
explanation which I gave of them whilst you were
here. The prospect before us is daily brightening.
I mean of the future, which until of late has been
extremely gloomy. As to the present state of things,
it is far beyond my powers to give an adequate description
of it. Mr. W. C. N. begins of late to
make open advances to the federalists, fearing, no
doubt, that the bait of hypocrisy has been seen through
by others. I must again refer you to Mr. Leigh for
full information of what is going on here. The indiscretion
of some of the weaker brethren, whose
intentions, I have no doubt, were good, as you will
have perceived, has given the enemy great advantage
over us." "February 20, 1808. . . . Our friend gains ground
very fast at home. Sullivan, the Governor of Massachusetts,
has declared against M[adiso]n. The republicans
of that great State are divided on the question,
and if Clay be not deceived, who says that
Pennsylvania, Duane non obstante, will be decidedly
for the V[ice] P[resident], the S[ecretary] of S[tate]
has no chance of being elected. Impress this, I pray
you, on our friends. If the V. P.'s interest should
be best, our electors (in case we succeed) will not
hazard everything by a division. If the election
comes to the House of Representatives M[adiso]n is
the man." "I am really afraid that our friend R. will injure
himself with the nation in this way. An attempt is
now making, and will, I think, be continued, to impress
on the minds of the people that he speaks with a
view to waste time. If this opinion should prevail, it
will, I fear, injure not only him, but the nation also,
because what injures him in public estimation will injure
the people also. His talents and honesty cannot
be lost without a loss equal to them both, and they
cannot be ascertained. But you know him as well as
I do." "Georgetown, February 14, 1811. . . . For
some days past I have been attending the debates in
the Senate. Giles made this morning the most unintelligible
speech on the subject of the Bank of the
U. S. that I ever heard. He spoke upwards of two
hours, seemed never to understand himself (except
upon one commonplace topic, of British influence),
and consequently excited in his hearers no other sentiment
but pity or disgust. But I shall not be surprised
to see him puffed in all the newspapers of a
certain faction. The Senate have rejected the nomination
of Alex. Wolcott to the bench of the Supreme
Court, — 24 to 9. The President is said to have felt
great mortification at this result. The truth seems
to be that he is President de jure only. Who exercises
the office de facto I know not, but it seems
agreed on all hands that there is something behind
the throne greater than the throne itself. I cannot
help differing with you respecting [Gallatin]'s resignation.
If his principal will not support him by his
influence against the cabal in the ministry itself as
well as out of it, a sense of self-respect, it would seem
to me, ought to impel him to retire from a situation
where, with a tremendous responsibility, he is utterly
destitute of power. Our cabinet presents a novel
spectacle in the political world; divided against itself,
and the most deadly animosity raging between its
principal members, what can come of it but confusion,
mischief, and ruin! Macon is quite out of heart. I
am almost indifferent to any possible result. Is this
wisdom or apathy? I fear the latter." The habits of intimacy which have
existed between us make it, as I conceive, my duty to
inform you that reports are industriously circulated in
this city to your disadvantage. They are to this effect:
That in order to promote your election to the Chief
Magistracy of the Commonwealth you have descended
to unbecoming compliances with the members of the
Assembly, not excepting your bitterest personal enemies;
that you have volunteered explanations to them
of the differences heretofore subsisting between yourself
and administration which amount to a dereliction
of the ground which you took after your return
from England, and even of your warmest personal
friends. Upon this, although it is unnecessary for
me to pass a comment, yet it would be disingenuous
to conceal that it has created unpleasant sensations
not in me only, but in others whom I know you
justly ranked as among those most strongly attached
to you. I wished for an opportunity of mentioning
this subject to you, but none offered itself, and I
would not seek one, because, when I cannot afford
assistance to my friends, I will never consent to become
an incumbrance on them. I write in haste, and
therefore abruptly. I keep no copy, and have only
to enjoin on you that this communication is in the
strictest sense of the term confidential, solely for your
own eye. I have purposely delayed answering
your letters because you seem to have taken up the
idea that I labored under some excitement (of an
angry nature it is to be presumed from the expressions
employed in your communication to Colonel
Taylor, as well as in that to myself), and I was desirous
that my reply should in appearance as well as in
fact proceed from the calmest and most deliberate exercise
of my judgment. By you
I would be understood; whether the herd of mankind
comprehend me or not, I care not. Yourself,
the Speaker, and Bryan are, of all the world, alone
acquainted with my real situation. On that subject I
have only to ask that you will preserve the same reserve
that I have done. Do not misunderstand me,
my good friend. I do not doubt your honor or discretion.
Far from it. But on this subject I am, perhaps,
foolishly fastidious. God bless you, my noble
fellow. I shall ever hold you most dear to my heart." | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 4 | Author: | unknown | Add | | | Title: | History of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Far removed from the impulse of mere adventure, which
had always been a powerful influence with the Anglo-Saxon
people in their migrations, was the spirit which led persons
of that race to cast a lustful eye upon the North American
continent long before any part of its soil had been taken up
by Englishmen. Being a people of imperturbable common
sense then as now, the supreme motive which governed them,
in their earliest explorations in those remote regions, was of
a thoroughly robust and practical nature. It was only to be
expected that the reports, exaggerated in the transmission, of
the incredible wealth drawn by the Spaniards from the mines
of Peru and Mexico would have inflamed to fever pitch the
cupidity of a daring and enterprising trading folk like the
Englishmen of the sixteenth century. It was the hope of
discovering gold and silver that chiefly prompted the first
adventurers to set out for that shadowy land, which Elizabeth,
with a splendid royal egotism, had named Virginia, in
commemoration of her own immaculate state. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 7 | Author: | unknown | Add | | | Title: | History of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Eppa Hunton, Jr., began the practice of law in
1877, and his time and talents were largely concentrated
upon the law and related activities until he
accepted the post of president of the Richmond,
Fredericksburg and Potomac Railroad. Richmond
has been his home since 1901. His grandfather was
Col. Eppa Hunton, and his father, General Eppa
Hunton, and all these and other members of the
family have been since Colonial times among Virginia's
distinguished men of affairs, lawyers, soldiers
and statesmen. "Headquarters Thirtieth Division, Camp Jackson,
South Carolina, April 7, 1919. While in charge of a 37-mm gun section in advance
of the assaulting troops, Lieutenant Menefee displayed
unusual courage, operating the gun himself
after his gunners had been killed, thereby reducing
a machine-gun nest which had been holding up the
line. You are hereby authorized to present this cross
to First Lieutenant Marvin James Menefee, in the
name of the commander-in-chief. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 8 | Author: | unknown | Add | | | Title: | History of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Armistead C. Gordon has for forty-four years
been a Staunton attorney of high connections and
successful practice. During that time public offices
and positions of trust filled by him have comprised
a long list. In the difficult field of historical scholarship,
as an author of fiction, essays and verse, his
work entitles him to rank with the most notable of
the literary Virginians of his generation. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 9 | Author: | unknown | Add | | | Title: | History of Virginia | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | William Hodges Mann, soldier, farmer, lawyer
and banker, has held many places of public trust, and
the State of Virginia will always appreciate the services
he rendered as a member of the State Senate
and from 1910 to 1914 as governor of the commonwealth. "I have rec'd your letter of the 15th and regret
the necessity that withdraws you from the field.
You may recollect the opinion I expressed to you
when you first proposed entering the service, viz.,
that I was not sure but that you were doing more
service in your then position than you could do
in the field, and that unless you could make arrangements
for the favourable prosecution of your operations
(at the Tredegar Iron Works), I could not
recommend the exchange. With the same impression
and belief, as you say you cannot make such
arrangements, I have forw'd your resignation and
recommended its acceptance. [From The Richmond Times, January 24, 1892.] | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 10 | Author: | Page
Thomas Nelson
1853-1922 | Add | | | Title: | The Old Dominion | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | TO comprehend truly the achievement of
the settlement of Jamestown and what it
has signified to the world, and still signifies today,
if we but knew it, it is necessary to go back
among the forces that were at work in Western
Europe during the time when the Dark Ages
were giving way to the light of the New Learning.
Many forces combined to produce the results,
working with that patience which characterizes
the laws of Nature. The energies of
men had been engrossed by the exactions of
war, and of a civilization based on war. The
mind of man had been for ages monopolized
by war militant or spiritual. Person and intellect
alike lay under rule. Then gradually, after
long lethargy, men began to think. Historians
wrote; poets sang; statesmen planned; scientists
experimented. The mariner's compass, whether
brought by Marco Polo from the East, or invented
by the Neapolitan, Flavio Gioja, or by
some one else, came into use in Europe: other
nautical instruments were invented or improved.
Gunpowder was invented and gradually changed
the methods of war. The New Learning began
to sweep over Europe. The Art of printing
from movable types was invented. The ice was
broken up and the stream, long dammed, began
to flow. The Reformation came and men burst
the chains which had bound them. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 11 | Author: | Brackenridge
H. H.
(Hugh Henry)
1748-1816 | Add | | | Title: | Modern chivalry | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I have two objections to this duel matter.
The one is, lest I should hurt you; and the other is,
lest you should hurt me. I do not see any good it
would do me to put a bullet through any part of your
body. I could make no use of you when dead, for
any culinary purpose, as I would a rabbit or a turkey.
I am no cannibal to feed on the flesh of men.
Why then shoot down a human creature, of which
I could make no use. A buffaloe would be better
meat. For though your flesh might be delicate and
tender; yet it wants that firmness and consistency
which takes and retains salt. At any rate it would
not be fit for long sea voyages. You might make a
good barbecue, it is true, being of the nature of a
racoon or an opossum; but people are not in the habit
of barbecuing any thing human now. As to your
hide, it is not worth the taking off, being little better
than that of a year old colt. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 12 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Add | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Genius and knowledge command respect; but superior
genius and profound knowledge, combined with exalted
moral purity, cannot fail to excite unmingled admiration.
The reputation of an author in whom these qualities are
united, may be circumscribed during life; but its rise and
extension after death, prove that his claim to distinction
are well founded. It is no less the duty than the pleasure
of friendship, to fortify and sustain these claims. The impartiality
of criticism cannot but confirm the anticipations of
affection. I feel little reluctance in complying with your request.
You know not fully the cause of my sorrows. You are a
stranger to the depth of my distresses. Hence your efforts
at consolation must necessarily fail. Yet the tale that I am
going to tell is not intended as a claim upon your sympathy.
In the midst of my despair, I do not disdain to contribute
what little I can to the benefit of mankind. I acknowledge
your right to be informed of the events that have lately happened
in my family. Make what use of the tale you shall
think proper. If it be communicated to the world, it will
inculcate the duty of avoiding deceit. It will exemplify the
force of early impressions, and show the immeasurable evils
that flow from an erroneous or imperfect discipline. "What shall I say to extenuate the misconduct of last
night? It is my duty to repair it to the utmost of my power,
but the only way in which it can be repaired, you will not,
I fear, be prevailed on to adopt. It is by granting me an
interview, at your own house, at eleven o'clock this night.
I have no means of removing any fears that you may entertain
of my designs, but my simple and solemn declarations.
These, after what has passed between us, you may deem
unworthy of confidence. I cannot help it. My folly and
rashness has left me no other resource. I will be at your
door by that hour. If you choose to admit me to a conference,
14
provided that conference has no witnesses, I will
disclose to you particulars, the knowledge of which is of
the utmost importance to your happiness. Farewell. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 13 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Add | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I was resident in this city during the year 1793. Many
motives contributed to detain me, though departure was
easy and commodious, and my friends were generally solicitous
for me to go. It is not my purpose to enumerate
these motives, or to dwell on my present concerns and
transactions, but merely to compose a narrative of some
incidents with which my situation made me acquainted. Here ended the narrative of Mervyn. Surely its incidents
were of no common kind. During this season of
pestilence, my opportunities of observation had been numerous,
and I had not suffered them to pass unimproved.
The occurrences which fell within my own experience, bore
a general resemblance to those which had just been related,
but they did not hinder the latter from striking on my mind
with all the force of novelty. They served no end, but as
vouchers for the truth of the tale. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 14 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Add | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I sit down, my friend, to comply with thy request. At
length does the impetuosity of my fears, the transports of my
wonder permit me to recollect my promise and perform it.
At length am I somewhat delivered from suspense and from
tremors. At length the drama is brought to an imperfect
close, and the series of events, that absorbed my faculties,
that hurried away my attention, has terminated in repose. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 15 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Add | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | I am very far from being a wise girl. So conscience
whispers me, and though vanity is eager to refute the charge,
I must acknowledge that she is seldom successful. Conscience
tells me it is folly, it is guilt to wrap up my existence
in one frail mortal; to employ all my thoughts, to lavish all
my affections upon one object; to dote upon a human being,
who, as such, must be the heir of many frailties, and whom
I know to be not without his faults; to enjoy no peace but
in his presence, to be grateful for his permission to sacrifice
fortune, ease, life itself for his sake. "If you ever injured Mr. Talbot, your motives for doing
so, entitle you to nothing but compassion, while your present
conduct lays claim, not only to forgiveness, but to gratitude.
The letter you entrust to me, shall be applied to
no purpose but that which you proposed by writing it. Inclosed
is the paper you request, the seal unbroken and its
contents unread. In this, as in all cases, I have no stronger
wish than to act as | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 16 | Author: | Brown
Charles Brockden
1771-1810 | Add | | | Title: | The novels of Charles Brockden Brown | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Stephen Dudley was a native of New York. He was
educated to the profession of a painter. His father's trade
was that of an apothecary. But this son, manifesting an attachment
to the pencil, he was resolved that it should be
gratified. For this end Stephen was sent at an early age
to Europe, and not only enjoyed the instructions of Fuzeli
and Bartolozzi, but spent a considerable period in Italy, in
studying the Augustan and Medicean monuments. It was
intended that he should practice his art in his native city, but
the young man, though reconciled to this scheme by deference
to paternal authority, and by a sense of its propriety,
was willing, as long as possible to postpone it. The liberality
of his father relieved him from all pecuniary cares. His
whole time was devoted to the improvement of his skill in his
favorite art, and the enriching of his mind with every valuable
accomplishment. He was endowed with a comprehensive
genius and indefatigable industry. His progress was
proportionably rapid, and he passed his time without much
regard to futurity, being too well satisfied with the present to
anticipate a change. A change however was unavoidable,
and he was obliged at length to pay a reluctant obedience to
his father's repeated summons. The death of his wife had
rendered his society still more necessary to the old gentleman. An hour ago I was in Second street, and
saw you. I followed you till you entered the Indian Queen
Tavern. Knowing where you are, I am now preparing to
demand an interview. I may be disappointed in this hope,
and therefore write you this. Why do I write? For whose use do I pass my time thus?
There is no one living who cares a jot for me. There was a
time, when a throbbing heart, a trembling hand, and eager
eyes, were always prepared to read, and ruminate on the
scantiest and poorest scribble that dropped from my pen;
but she has disappeared; the veil between us is like death. I need not tell you, my friend, what I have felt, in consequence
of your silence. The short note which I received, a
fortnight after you had left me, roused my curiosity and my
fears, instead of allaying them. You promised me a longer
account of some mysterious changes that had taken place in
your condition. This I was to receive in a few days. At
the end of a week I was impatient. The promised letter did
not arrive. Four weeks passed away, and nothing came
from you. Yes; the narrative of Morton is true. The simple recital
which you give, leaves me no doubt. The money is
his, and shall be restored the moment he demands it. For
what I have spent, I must a little while be his debtor. This
he must consent to lose, for I never can repay it. Indeed,
it is not much. Since my change of fortune, I have not
been extravagant. A hundred dollars is the most I have
laid out, and some of this has been in furniture, which I
shall resign to him. "I shall not call on you at Hatfield. I am weary of traversing
hills and dales; and my detention in Virginia being
longer than I expected, shall go on board a vessel in this
port, bound for New York. Contract, in my name, with
your old friend, for the present accommodation of the girls,
and repair to New York as soon as possible. Search out
No.—, Broadway. If I am not there to embrace you,
inquire for my wife or daughter, and mention your name.
Make haste; the women long to see a youth in whose education
I had so large a share; and be sure, by your deportment,
not to discredit your instructer, and belie my good
report. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 17 | Author: | Summers
Lewis Preston
1868-1943 | Add | | | Title: | History of southwest Virginia, 1746-1786, Washington County, 1777-1870 | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | 1001-1716. The history of Virginia, from the earliest times
until the date of the formation of Washington county by the
General Assembly of Virginia, is interesting and instructive, and
is necessary to a thorough comprehension of that part of our history
subsequent thereto. Capt. Robert Wade marc't from Mayo fort, with 35 men, in
order to take a Range to the New River in search of our Enemy Indians.
We marcht about three miles that Day to a Plantation,
Where Peter Rentfro formerly Lived and took up Camp, where we
continued safe that night—Next morning being Sunday, we continued
to march about three or four miles, and one Francis New
returned back to the Fort, then we had 34 men besides the Capt—
We marcht along to a place called Gobeling Town, where we Eat
our Brakefast—& so continued our march till late in the afternoon,
and took up Camp at the Foot of the Blew Ledge where we
continued safe that night—Next morning being Monday, the 14th,
Inst. we started early and crossed the Blew Ledge and Fell upon
a branch of the Little River, called Pine Creek,— I have the honor to acquaint you in obedience to his Majesty's
commands, on the 13th curr't, I met at this place all the principal
Chiefs of the upper and lower Cherokee Nations, and on the 14th
by his Majesty's royal authority concluded the Treaty with said
Indians, ratifying the cession of land lying within the Provinces of
South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia by them to his Majesty
and His heirs forever, and confirming the Boundary line
marked by the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, according
to the several agreements entered into with said Indians.
The line now ultimately confirmed and ratified by said Treaty was
as follows: Brothers,—On the 20th day of December last, being in Williamsburg,
we received instructions from Lord Botetourt, a great and
good man, whom the great King George has sent to preside over his
Colony of Virginia, directing us to wait on your father, John Stuart,
Esq., Supt. Indian Affairs, in order to have a plan agreed
upon for fixing a new Boundary between your people and his
Majesty's subjects in the Colony of Virginia. On our way to the
place, to our great joy, we met with our good brothers, Judds
Friend and the Warrior of Estitoe, who with great readiness took
a passage with us from Governor Tryon, to this place where we had
the happiness to wait upon your father, Mr. Stuart, and with joint
application, represented to him the necessity of taking such measures
as may effectually prevent any misunderstanding that might
arise between his Majesty's subjects of the Colony of Virginia and
our brothers the Cherokees, until a full treaty be appointed and
held for the fixing a new Boundary that may give equal justice and
satisfaction to the parties concerned, and that his Majesty's subjects,
now settled on the lands between Chiswell's Mines, and the
Great Island of Holston River, remain in peaceable possession of
said lands, until a line is run between them and our good brothers
the Cherokees, who will receive full satisfaction for such lands as
you, our brothers, shall convey to our Great King for the use of his
subjects. His Excellency, the Right Honorable Norborne, the Lord
Botetourt, Governor in Chief of the Colony of Virginia, and the
King's Council of that Dominion, having ordered us to wait on you
and assist in settling the Boundary line between that Colony and
the Cherokee Indians, we beg leave to inform you that the line proposed
to be marked from Chiswell's Mines to the confluence of the
Great Kanawha and the Ohio, would be a great disadvantage to
the Crown of Great Britain, and would injure many subjects of
Britain that now inhabit that part of the frontier, and have in making
that settlement complied with every known rule of government
and the laws of that Colony. We, being in very destitute circumstances
for want of the ordinances of Christ's house statedly administered
amongst us; many of us under very distressing spiritual
languishments; and multitudes perishing in our sins for want of
the bread of life broken among us; our Sabbaths too much profaned,
or at least wasted in melancholy silence at home, our hearts
and hands discouraged, and our spirits broken with our mournful
condition, so that human language cannot sufficiently paint. Having
had the happiness, by the good providence of God, of enjoying
part of your labors to our abundant satisfaction, and being universally
well satisfied by our experience of your ministerial abilities,
piety, literature, prudence and peculiar agreeableness of your
qualifications to us in particular as a gospel minister—we do,
worthy and dear sir, from our very hearts, and with the most cordial
affection and unanimity agree to call, invite and entreat you to
undertake the office of a pastor among us, and the care and charge
of our precious souls, and upon your accepting of this our call, we
do promise that we will receive the word of God from your mouth,
attend on your ministry, instruction and reproofs, in public and
private, and submit to the discipline which Christ has appointed
in his church, administered by you while regulated by the word of
God and agreeable to our confession of faith and directory. And
that you may give yourself wholly up to the important work of the
ministry, we hereby promise to pay you annually the sum of ninety
pounds from the time of your accepting this our call; and that we
shall behave ourselves towards you with all that dutiful respect
and affection that becomes a people towards their minister, using
all means within our power to render your life comfortable and
happy. We entreat you, worthy and dear sir, to have compassion
upon us in this remote part of the world, and accept this our call
and invitation to the pastoral charge of our precious and immortal
souls, and we shall hold ourselves bound to pray. The following letter is just received from the camp on Point
Pleasant, at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa (as then spelled),
dated October 17, 1774: "To be engraved on the Great Seal, Virtus, the genius of the
Commonwealth, dressed like an Amazon, resting on a spear with
one hand and holding a sword with the other hand and treading
on Tyranny, represented by a man prostrate, a crown fallen from
his head, a broken chain in his left hand and a scourge in his
right. In the exergon the word "Virginia" over the head of Virtus,
and underneath the words, "Sic semper tyrannis." On the
reverse a groupe, Libertas, with her wand and pileus. On the other
side of her Ceres, with the cornucopia in one hand and an ear of
wheat in the other. On the other side Eternitas, with globe and
phœnix. In the exergon these words: Deus Nobis Hæc Otia Fecit." Some time ago, Mr. Cameron and myself wrote
you a letter by Mr. Thomas, and enclosed a talk we had with the
Indians respecting the purchase which is reported you lately made
of them on the rivers Wattaga, Nolichucky. We are since informed
that you are under great apprenhension of the Indians doing mischief
immediately. But it is not the desire of his Majesty to set
his friends and allies, the Indians, on his liege subjects: therefore
whoever you are, that are willing to join his Majesty's forces as
soon as they arrive at the Cherokee nation, by repairing to the
King's standard, shall find protection for themselves and their
families and be free from all danger whatever; yet, that his
Majesty's officers may be certain which of you are willing to take
up arms in his Majesty's just right, I have thought fit to recommend
it to you and every one that is desirous of preventing inevitable
ruin to themselves and families, immediately to subscribe
a written paper acknowledging their allegiance to his Majesty
King George, and that they are ready and willing, whenever called
on, to appear in arms in defence of the British right in America;
which paper, as soon as it is signed and sent to me safe by hand,
should any of the inhabitants be desirous of knowing how they are
to be free from every kind of insult and danger, inform them that
his Majesty will immediately land an army in West Florida, march
them through the Creek to the Chickasaw nation, where five hundred
warriors from each nation are to join them, and then come
by Chota, who have promised their assistance, and then to take possession
of the frontiers of North Carolina and Virginia, at the
same time that his Majesty's forces make a diversion on the sea
coast of those Provinces. If any of the inhabitants have any beef,
cattle, flour, pork or horses to spare, they shall have a good price
for them by applying to us, as soon as his Majesty's troops are embodied. The deposition of Jarret Williams taken before
me, Anthony Bledsoe, a justice of the peace for the county aforesaid,
being first sworn on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God,
deposeth and saith: That he left the Cherokee nation on Monday
night, the 8th inst. (July); Your letter of the 30th ult. with the deposition of
Mr. Bryan, came to hand this evening by your messenger. The
news is really alarming, with regard to the disposition of the Indians,
who are doubtless advised to break with the white people,
by the enemies to American liberty who reside among them. But
I cannot conceive that you have anything to fear from the pretended
invasion by British troops, by the route they mention.
This must, in my opinion, be a scheme purposely calculated to intimidate
the inhabitants, either to abandon their plantations or
turn enemies to their country, neither of which I hope it will be
able to effect. "I hereby certify that when I was ordered by the Executive last
summer to take command of an expedition against the Cherokee
Indians, it was left to my own choice whether to take the troops down
the Tennessee by water, or on horseback, they were to be paid for
such pack horses as might be lost without default of the owners.
That expedition not being carried on, I was directed by His Excellency
the Governor to take command of the militia ordered to
suppress the Tories who were at that time rising in arms, and to
apply to that purpose the same means and powers which I was invested
with for carrying on the Cherokee expedition, under which
direction I marched a number of mounted militia to King's mountain,
S. C. We have now collected at this place about 1,500 good men,
drawn from the counties of Surry, Wilkes, Burke, Washington and
Sullivan counties in this State, and Washington county in Virginia,
and expect to be joined in a few days by Colonel Clarke, of Georgia,
and Colonel Williams, of South Carolina, with about 1,000 more.
As we have at this time called out our militia without any orders
from the Executives of our different States, and with the view of
expelling the enemy out of this part of the country, we think such a
body of men worthy of your attention, and would request you to
send a general officer immediately to take the command of such
troops as may embody in this quarter. Our troops being all militia
and but little acquainted with discipline, we would wish him to be
a gentleman of address and able to keep up a proper discipline without
disgusting the soldiery. Every assistance in our power shall
be given the officer you may think proper to take the command of us. Unless you wish to be eat up by an inundation of
barbarians, who have begun by murdering an unarmed son before
an aged father, and afterwards lopped off his arms, and who, by
their shocking cruelties and irregularities, give the best proof of
their cowardice and want of discipline; I say, that if you wish to
be pinioned, robbed and murdered, and see your wives and daughters
in four days abused by the dregs of mankind; in short, if you
wish to deserve to live and bear the name of men, grasp your arms
in a moment and run to camp. The `Back Water' men have
crossed the mountains; McDowell, Hampton, Shelby and Cleveland
are at their head, so that you know what you have to depend
upon. If you choose to be degraded forever and ever by a set of
mongrels, say so at once, and let your women turn their backs upon
you and look out for real men to protect them. I am on my march to you by a road leading from
Cherokee Ford, north of King's mountain. Three or four hundred
good soldiers could finish this business. Something must be done
soon. This is their last push in this quarter. Ferguson and his party are no more in circumstances
to injure the citizens of America. "A statement of the proceedings of the western army, from the
25th day of September, 1780, to the reduction of Major Ferguson
and the army under his command. On receiving intelligence that
Major Ferguson had advanced up as high as Gilberttown, in Rutherford
county, and threatened to cross the mountains to the western
waters, Colonel Campbell, with 400 men from Washington
county, Virginia, Colonel Isaac Shelby with 240 men from Sullivan
county, North Carolina, and Lieutenant-Colonel John
Sevier with 240 men from Washington county, North Carolina,
assembled at Watauga on the 25th day of September,
where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, with
160 men from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who
had fled before the enemy to the western waters. We began
our march on the 26th, and on the 30th we were joined by
Colonel Cleveland on the Catawba river, with 350 men from the
counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly a
right to command in chief, on the first day of October we dispatched
an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our situation,
and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the
whole. In the meantime Colonel Campbell was chosen to act as
commandant till such general officer should arrive. We marched to
the Cowpens, on Broad river in South Carolina, where we were
joined by Colonel James Williams, with 400 men, on the evening of
the 6th of October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped
somewhere near the Cherokee ford of Broad river, about thirty
miles distant from us. By a council of the principal officers, it
was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with
900 of the best horsemen, and leave the weak horse and footmen
to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with 900 of the
best horsemen about eight o'clock the same evening, and marching
all night came up with the enemy about three o'clock, P. M., of the
7th, who lay encamped on the top of King's mountain, twelve
miles north of the Cherokee ford, in the confidence that they would
not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous to the attack,
on the march, the following disposition was made: Colonel Shelby's
regiment formed a column in the center on the left; Colonel Campbell's
regiment another on the right; part of Colonel Cleveland's
regiment, headed in front by Major Winston, and Colonel Sevier's
regiment formed a large column on the right wing; the other part
of Colonel Cleveland's regiment, headed by Colonel Cleveland himself,
and Colonel Williams' regiment, composed the left wing. In
this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the
enemy before we were discovered. Colonel Shelby's and Colonel
Campbell's regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire while the
right and left wings were advancing to surround them, which was
done in about five minutes; the greatest part of which time a heavy
and incessant fire was kept up on both sides; our men in some parts,
where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance,
two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional
ardor to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the
summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the
top of the ridge to where Colonel Cleveland commanded, and were
there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately hoisted by
Captain DePeyster, their commanding officer (Major Ferguson
having been killed a little before), for a surrender, our fire immediately
ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms, the greatest
part of them charged, and surrendered themselves to us prisoners
at discretion. I came to this place last night to receive General Gates'
directions how to dispose of the prisoners taken at King's mountain,
in the State of South Carolina, upon the 7th instant. He has
ordered them to be taken over to Montgomery county, where they
are to be secured under proper guards. General Gates transmits
to your Excellency a state of the proceedings of our little party to
the westward. I flatter myself we have much relieved that part of
the country from its late distress. "A letter of the 7th from Governor Jefferson was read, inclosing
a letter of the first from Major-General Gates with a particular
account of the victory obtained by the militia over the enemy at
King's mountain, on the 7th of October, last, whereupon Resolved:— Orders have been sent to the county lieutenants of Montgomery
and Washington, to furnish 250 of their militia to proceed
in conjunction with the Carolinians against the Chickamoggas.
You are hereby authorized to take command of said men. Should
the Carolinians not have at present such an expedition in contemplation,
if you can engage them to concur as volunteers, either at
their own expense or that of their State, it is recommended to you
to do it. Take great care to distinguish the friendly from the hostile
part of the Cherokee nation, and to protect the former while you
severely punish the latter. The commissary and quartermaster in
the Southern department is hereby required to furnish you all the
aid of his department. Should the men, for the purpose of dispatch,
furnish horses for themselves to ride, let them be previously
appraised, as in cases of impress, and for such as shall be killed, die
or be lost in the service without any default of the owner, payment
shall be made by the public. An order was lodged with Colonel
Preston for 1,000 pounds of powder from the lead mines for this
expedition; and you receive herewith an order for 500 pounds of
powder from Colonel Fleming for the same purpose, of the expenditure
of which you will render account. We came into your country to fight your
young men. We have killed not a few of them and destroyed your
towns. You know you began the war, by listening to the bad councils
of the King of England and the falsehoods told you by his
agents. We are now satisfied with what is done, as it may convince
your nation that we can distress them much at any time they are
so foolish as to engage in a war against us. If you desire peace,
as we understand you do, we, out of pity to your women and children,
are disposed to treat with you on that subject and take you
into our friendship once more. We therefore send this by one of
your young men, who is our prisoner, to tell you if you are also
disposed to make peace, for six of your head men to come to our
agent, Major Martin, at the Great Island within two moons. They
will have a safe passport, if they will notify us of their approach
by a runner with a flag, so as to give him time to meet them with a
guard on Holstein river, at the boundary line. The wives and children
of these men of your nation that protested against the war, if
they are willing to take refuge at the Great Island until peace is
restored, we will give them a supply of provisions to keep them
alive. "The fulfillment of this message will require your Excellency's
further instructions, and in which I expect North Carolina will
assist, or that Congress will take upon themselves the whole. I
believe advantageous promises of peace may be easily obtained with
a surrender of such an extent of country, that will defray the
expenses of war. But such terms will be best insured by placing a
garrison of two hundred men under an active officer on the banks
of the Tenasee. Your faithful services and the exertions which you made
to second the efforts of the Southern army, on the 15th inst.,
claim my warmest thanks. It would be ungenerous not to acknowledge
my entire approbation of your conduct, and the spirited
and manly behavior of the officers and soldiers under you. Sensible
of your merit, I feel a pleasure in doing justice to it. Most
of the riflemen having gone home, and not having it in my power
to make up another command, you have my permission to return
home to your friends, and should the emergency of the southern
operations require your further exertions, I will advertise you. "I am very happy in informing you that the bravery of your battalion,
displayed in the action of the 15th, is particularly noticed
by the General. It is much to be lamented that a failure took
place in the line which lost the day, separated us from the main
body and exposed our retreat. I hope your men are safe and that
the scattered will collect again. Be pleased to favor me with a
return of your loss, and prepare your men for a second battle. "Beginning at a white walnut and buckeye at the ford of Holston
next above the Royal Oak, and runneth thence—N. 31 W. over
Brushy mountain, one creek, Walker's mountain north fork of Holston,
Locust cove, Little mountain, Poor Valley creek, Clinch mountain,
and the south fork of Clinch to a double and single sugar trees
and two buckeye saplings on Bare grass hill, the west end of Morris'
knob, fifteen miles and three quarters. Thence from said knob
north crossing the spurs of the same, and Paint Lick mountain the
north fork of Clinch by John Hines' plantation, and over the river
ridge by James Roark's in the Baptist Valley, to a sugar tree and
two white oaks on the head of Sandy five miles, one quarter—twenty
poles. I am now going to speak to you about powder. I have
in my towns six hundred good hunters, and we have very little powder.
I hope you will speak to my elder brother of Virginia, to take
pity on us, and send us as much as will make our fall's hunt. He
will hear you. We are very poor, but don't love to beg, which our
brother knows, as I have never asked him for anything else before.
I thank him however for all his past favors to the old towns. I
hope he will not refuse this favor I ask of him, I have taken Virginia
by the hand, and I do not want to turn my face another way, to
a strange people. The Spaniards have sent to me to come and speak
to them. I am not going, but some of my people have gone to hear
what they have to say. I am sitting still at home with my face
towards my elder brother of Virginia, hoping to hear from him soon.
I will not take of any strange people till I hear from him. Tell him
that when I took hold of your hand, I looked on it as if he had
been there. The hold is strong and lasting. I have with this talk
sent you a long string of white beads as a confirmation of what I
say. My friendship shall be as long as the beads remain white. The memorial of the Freemen inhabitating the Country Westward
of the Alleghany or Appalachian mountain, and Southward of the
Ouasioto*
*Indian name for Cumberland mountain.
Humbly sheweth: "Your Deputies, after mature consideration, have agreed to address
you on the subject of your Public Affairs, well knowing that
there is only wanting an exact and candid examination into the
facts to know whether you have been well served or abused by your
Representatives, whether Government has been wisely administered
and whether your rights and Liberties are secure. As members of
the Civil Society, you will acknowledge that there are duties of importance
and lasting obligation which must take place before individual
conveniences or private interest, but it must be granted that
in free Communities the laws are only obligatory when made consonant
with the constitution or Original Compact; for it is the only
means of the surrender then made, the power therein given and the
right ariseth to Legislate at all. Hence it is evident that the power
of Legislators is in the nature of trusts to form Regulations for the
good of the whole, agreeable to the powers delegated, and the deposite
put into the General stock, and the end proposed is to obtain
the greatest degree of happiness and safety, not for the few but
for the many. To attain these ends and these only, men are induced
to give up a portion of their natural Liberty and Property
when they enter into society. From this it is plain that Rulers may
exceed their trust, may invade the remaining portion of natural
liberty and property, which would be a usurpation, a breach of
solemn obligation and ultimately a conspiracy against the majesty
of the people, the only treason that can be committed in a commonwealth.
A much admired writer on the side of Liberty begins
his work with the following remarkable sentence, which we transcribe
for your information, and entreat you to read and ponder
well: After having been honored lately with the receipt of several
of your Excellency's letters, particularly that of the 17th of
May last, and the several communications made in consequence of
them, particularly my letter of the 13th of June, the principal officers
and the Whig interest in this county seemed to rest satisfied
that an amicable and enlightened administration would pave the
way to the Legislature and to Congress for the efficient and permanent
redress of the principal, and in some cases the almost
intolerable grievances of the western inhabitants. But while
secure in this confidence, we have to lament that the voice of
calumny and faction has reached the seat of supreme rule, and
that, without a constitutional enquiry, without a fair hearing, it
has been in some degree listened to, and had effect. It is hard to
defend when it is not known what we are charged with, and at
all times who can disarm private pique, or be able to withstand
malice and envy without feeling some smart. But political fury,
engendered by Tory principles, knows no bounds and is without
a parallel. Bernard and Hutchison have exhibited to Governors
and the world, examples that ought to teach wisdom to this and
succeeding generations. We are told (but it is only from report)
that we have offended government on account of our sentiments
being favorable to a new State, and our looking forward for a separation.
If such a disposition is criminal, I confess there are not
a few in this county to whom guilt may be imputed, and to many
respectable characters in other counties on the western waters. If
we wish for a separation it is on account of grievances that daily
become more and more intolerable, it is from a hope that another
mode of governing will make us more useful than we are now to the
general confederacy, or ever can be whilst so connected. But why
can blame fall on us, when our aim is to conduct measures in an
orderly manner, and strictly consistent with the Constitution.
Surely men who have bound themselves by every holy tie to support
republican principles, cannot on a dispassionate consideration
blame us. Our want of experience and knowledge may be a plea
against us. We deplore our situation and circumstances on that
account, but at the same time firmly believe that our advances to
knowledge will still continue slow, perhaps verge towards ignorance
and barbarism, without the benefit of local independent institutions. THE MEMORIAL OF ARTHUR CAMPBELL. It is with great concern that we hear that a number
of your Towns' people have lately been killed by some white men
between Clinch river and Cumberland mountain, and that you
blame the Virginians for it. As to who done it, I cannot certainly
say, but have heard that one hundred men from Kentucky
had gone towards Chickamogga Towns to take satisfaction for the
murder that was done on the Kentucky path last October, and
what made the people exceedingly angry, was that they heard their
Captives, mostly women, were all burnt in the Chickamogga Towns. "August 26, 1791, a party of Indians headed by a Captain Bench,
of the Cherokee tribe, attacked the house of Elisha Ferris, two
miles from Mockison Gap, murdered Mr. Ferris at his house, and
made prisoner Mrs. Ferris and her daughter, Mrs. Livingston, and
a young child together with Nancy Ferris. All but the latter were
cruelly murdered the first day of their captivity. "About 10 o'clock in the morning, as I was sitting in my house,
the fierceness of the dog's barking alarmed me. I looked out and
saw seven Indians approaching the house, armed and painted in a
frightful manner. No person was then within, but a child of ten
years old, and another of two, and my sucking infant. My husband
and his brother Henry had just before walked out to a barn at some
distance in the field. My sister-in-law, Susanna, was with the
remaining children in an out-house. Old Mrs. Livingston was in
the garden. I immediately shut and fastened the door; they (the
Indians) came furiously up, and tried to burst it open, demanding
of me several times to open the door, which I refused. They then
fired two guns; one ball pierced through the door, but did me no
damage. I then thought of my husband's rifle, took it down but it
being double triggered, I was at a loss; at length I fired through the
door, but it not being well aimed I did no execution; however the
Indians retired from that place and soon after that an old adjoining
house was on fire, and I and my children suffering much from the
smoke. I opened the door and an Indian immediately advanced
and took me prisoner, together with the two children. I then discovered
that they had my remaining children in their possession,
my sister Sukey, a wench with her young child, a negro
man of Edward Callihan's and a negro boy of our own about eight
years old. They were fearful of going into the house I left, to
plunder, supposing that it had been a man that shot at them, and
was yet within. So our whole clothing and household furniture
were consumed in the flames, which I was then pleased to see, rather
than that it should be of use to the savages. Whereas by the wrong doing of men it hath been the unfortunate
lot of the following negroes to be slaves for life, to-wit: Vina,
Adam, Nancy sen., Nancy, Kitty and Selah. And whereas believing
the same have come into my possession by the direction of Providence,
and conceiving from the clearest conviction of my conscience
aided by the power of a good and just God, that it is both
sinful and unjust, as they are by nature equally free with myself,
to continue them in slavery, I do, therefore, by these presents, under
the influence of a duty I not only owe my conscience, but the just
God who made us all, make free the said negroes hoping while
they are free of man they will faithfully serve their Maker through
the merits of Christ. Whereas my negro man John (alias) John Broady, claims a
promise of freedom from his former master General William Campbell,
for his faithful attendance on him at all times, and more particularly
while he was in the army in the last war, and I who claim
the said negro in right of my wife, daughter of the said General
William Campbell, feeling a desire to emancipate the said negro
man John, as well for the fulfillment of the above-mentioned promise,
as the gratification of being instrumental of prompting a participation
of liberty to a fellow creature, who by nature is entitled
thereto, do by these presents for myself, my heirs, executors and
administrators fully emancipate and make free to all intents and
purposes the said negro man John (alias) John Broady from me
forever. As witness my hand and seal, this 20th day of September,
one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three. ATTENTION! "ATTENTION!" "THE TOCSIN OF PATRIOTISM. "INFANTRY! To the Freeholders of the County of Washington. NOTICE! "ATTENTION! "COMPANY ORDERS! ATTENTION RIFLEMEN! VOLUNTEER RIFLEMEN. "ATTENTION! Resolved, That it is expedient for the carrying out of the objects
of this meeting that the committee hereby appointed shall solicit
the concurrent support of the people of Russell, Tazewell, Washington,
Smyth, Wythe, Mercer, Giles, Boone, Monroe, Logan, Wyoming,
Kanawha, Fayette and Greenbrier counties, in behalf of
obtaining a survey for the Virginia and Tennessee railroad from
New river along Walker's creek and Holston Valley, passing the
Gypsum bank and Salt Works to the Tennessee line for intersection
with the Tennessee railroad at the most convenient point. Resolved, That this convention highly approve of the proposed
General Railroad Convention to be held at New Orleans, on the
first Monday in January next, and request the appointment by the
president, on its behalf, of five delegates thereto. Abingdon Academy! In reply to yours of the 16th instant in reference to the Stonewall
Jackson Institute, I assure you that any scheme designed to
perpetuate the recollections of the virtue and patriotism of General
Jackson meets with my approval. As he was a friend of learning,
I know of no more effective and appropriate method of accomplishing
the praiseworthy object in question than the establishment of
an institution in which the young women of our country may be
trained for the important and responsible duties of life. I hope
the institution established by the people of Southwest Virginia, and
dedicated to the memory of General T. J. Jackson, may meet with
entire success and prove a blessing to the State. Pursuant to an order of court, we the subscribers have laid off the
Prison Bounds, as in the annexed Platt. Beginning at the N. W. corner of the gaol at a stump S. 35° E.
40 poles, crossing the road at 3 forked white oak saplings; thence N.
62° E. 35 poles crossing a creek at the old fording at a large white
oak tree by the north side of the road; thence N. 32° W. 30 poles
crossing said creek N. E. of head of a spring at a white oak stake
and an old black stump; and thence to a white oak sapling on a N. E.
stony bank on Mr. Willoughby's lot; thence S. 62° W. 36 poles to
the north end of the prison house at the beginning. "In obedience to an act of the assembly entitled "An act for
extending the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina." I enclose you a copy of a law, with a proclamation of the
Governor of Virginia, by the same conveyance. I am instructed
to exercise the authority of the State to the boundary, usually
called Walker's line. In this business, it is the wish of the Executive
that the subordinate officers conduct themselves in an amicable
manner to the inhabitants over which North Carolina formerly
exercised Jurisdiction, and with due respect to the authority
of the Government south of the River Ohio; these orders are perfectly
consonant to my own feelings and sentiments. Therefore,
Sir, if you have any objections to make to the change taking place,
or anything to ask in favor of the people, it will be respectfully
attended to by me and immediately reported to the Governor of
Virginia. The enclosed letter from the commanding officer of the
militia of Sullivan county, seems to be an avowal of an opposition
to an act of our Legislature, for establishing Walker's line as the
boundary line to this State. "In obedience to commissions respectively conferred upon us
under an act of the legislature of the State of Virginia passed
the 18th day of March, 1856, and an act of the legislature of the
State of Tennessee, passed the 1st day of March, 1858, authorizing
the executives of each of said States respectively to appoint commissioners
`to again run and mark' the boundary line between
the States of Virginia and Tennessee, we the undersigned commissioners,
proceeded to discharge the duties assigned us, and beg
leave to submit the following as our joint action: Our first object
was to determine the duty with which we were charged under the
acts of both states, which we found to be substantially the same
and both exceedingly vague and indefinite. Herewith I submit a map of the boundary line
between the States of Virginia and Tennessee, as traced and remarked
by the field party in my charge under your direction. The territory in the form of a triangle, lying between the top
of Little mountain and the red lines on the map in what is known
as "Denton's Valley," has heretofore been recognized by the citizens
residing therein as included in the State of Virginia, and the
top of Little mountain is recognized as the boundary line. To this
supposed boundary both States have heretofore exercised jurisdiction,
and north of the summit of the mountain the citizens residing
in the triangle have derived their land titles from the State of
Virginia; they have there voted, been taxed, and exercised all the
rights of citizens of that State. The line, though plainly marked
from the top of Little mountain westward nearly to the river, and
the cross line at Denton's Valley running south twenty-two west
and connecting the north and south lines, seem not to have been
recognized as the boundary line, the very existence even of the
cross line being unknown until we discovered it; but it is also well
defined and so distinctly marked as to leave no doubt that it was
run and marked in 1802. With this single exception, the line as
traced by us has been, as far as we are able to ascertain, recognized
throughout its entire length for fifty-seven years as the true boundary
line between the States of Virginia and Tennessee. The latitude,
as marked on the map east of Bristol and at Cumberland Gap,
was carefully determined by Professor Keith with a "zenith transit"
or transit instrument, the most modern and improved astronomical
instrument now in use, and may be relied upon as perfectly
accurate, except at Bristol, and that was ascertained under
disadvantageous circumstances, but it is believed to be nearly correct.
West of Bristol, except at Cumberland Gap, the latitude was
determined by Lieutenant Francis T. Byan, of the corps of United
States topographical engineers, with a "sextant," and may also be
relied upon as correctly determined. In your letter of instructions to observe the Solar Eclipse
of August 7th, at or near Bristol, Tenn., you also directed me to
comply, if practicable, with the request made by the President of
Washington College, Virginia, to connect the station at Bristol,
the position of which would be astronomically determined, with
one or more of the monuments which mark the boundary line of
the State of Virginia in that vicinity, so that the longitude and
latitude thereof may be accurately known. Your commissioners, appointed by decree of this honorable court,
dated April 30, 1900, to ascertain, retrace, re-mark and re-establish
the boundary line established between the States of Virginia
and Tennessee, by the compact of 1803, which was actually run
and located under proceedings had by the two States, in 1801-1803,
and was then marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond,
and which ran from White Top mountain to Cumberland Gap, respectfully
represent that they have completed the duties assigned
to them by the said decree of April 30, 1900, that they have remarked
and retraced the said boundary line as originally run and
marked with five chops in the shape of a diamond in the year 1802,
and that for the better securing of the same they have placed upon
the said line, besides other durable marks, monuments of cut limestone,
four and a half feet long and seven inches square on top,
with V's cut on their north faces and T's on their south faces, set
three and a half feet in the ground, conveniently located as hereinafter
more fully described, so that the citizens of each State and
others, by reasonable diligence, may readily find the true location
of said boundary; all of which is more particularly set forth in the
detailed report of their operations which your commissioners herewith
beg to submit, together with two maps explanatory of the
same, a list of the several permanent monuments and other durable
marks, and a complete bill of costs and charges. And your commissioners
further pray that this honorable court accept and confirm
this report; that the line as marked on the ground by said
commissioners in the years 1901 and 1902 be declared to be the
real, certain and true boundary between the States of Tennessee
and Virginia; that your commissioners be allowed their expenses
and reasonable charges for their own services in these premises, as
shown on the bill of costs which forms a part of this report; and
finally that your commissioners be discharged from further proceedings
in these premises. Please pay to Mr. Andrew Jackson or order two thousand five
hundred one dollars sixty-seven cents which place to account of Col. James King
Dec'd
Aug. 17th 1825
Aged 73 years
A Patriot
of
1776. Had I seen you when at Huntsville I should have spoken to you
and recommended to your kind attention Major John Campbell, lately of
the Council of State in Virginia, now a resident of Alabama. I consider
him a young man of great merit for integrity, strength and correctness of
judgment and purity of political principles. In his welfare I take great interest.
Well knowing his merit, I have thought it proper to communicate
to you the sense I entertain of it, in the hope that it might be of some service
to him. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
| 20 | Author: | Thatcher
B. B.
(Benjamin Bussey)
1809-1840 | Add | | | Title: | Memoir of Phillis Wheatley | | | | Published: | 2006 | | | | Subjects: | University of Virginia Library, Text collection | UVA-LIB-Text | | | | Description: | Not a great many of the younger readers of
this little book may know much about Slavery,
though they have all heard and read, of course,
that such a thing exists, and that even in the
southern and western parts of our own country.
I do not intend here to discuss the nature of
it, or the circumstances that gave rise to it
in the first instance, or the effect it is believed
to have on the country and the people in and
among which it is found. All these matters
are more proper for another place. My object
is simply to call the attention of those who feel
an interest in the condition and character of the
African race, to some particulars respecting
individuals of that race, who have, at different
times, been slaves in different parts of this
country, and whose characters were quite too
interesting to be passed over by the historian
in utter silence. | | | Similar Items: | Find |
|
